Yanomamo: The Fierce People

Chagnon expands on the Yanomami’s adaptations to their environment by examining the social and political aspects of their lives. Their relationships within a village with each other and with their neighboring villages influence their settlement patterns and movements. Political considerations (such as the threats of raids) are crucial in determining the location of new garden sites. Chagnon notes that the various Yanomami tribes would remain in their settled areas indefinitely if not for the constant danger of external attacks. Alliances between villages are a strategic response to this threat, and the size of a given village affects the extent of their need for military support from neighbors. Chagnon states that the number of adult men needed for both raiding and protecting their own space is a minimum of 15 men, with a total village size of 40-50 people. With this in mind, Chagnon describes the breakdown of villages that reach their upper population limit, calling this process “village fission.” Although larger villages have advantages in raiding, larger populations also result in frequent and intense internal conflicts. Chagnon highlights the number of fights over women. Fission occurs whenever it becomes impossible to otherwise maintain peace within a village. However, the remnants of the original village often remain nearby for purposes of protection. Chagnon uses Kaobawä’s village as an example. In the past, Monou-teri and Upper and Lower Bisaasi-teri were originally a single village, but the community split into different parts that continued to ally against the Patanowä-teri. He outlines the multiple moves and splits that the group experienced over the prior 75 years due to raids, conflicts, and the need for refuge. He concludes that agriculture drives the Yanomami alliances and social obligations, particularly when an allied group has not yet been able to establish a garden.

In the final section of Part 2, Chagnon shifts from the physical aspects of Yanomami culture to their cosmology and theology. He notes their tendency to embellish, change, or otherwise improve on the base structure of their cosmological beliefs and allow for individual modifications, which results in many variants of the same idea or story, even within a small region. The Yanomami cosmology consists of four parallel, horizontal layers. The top layer is empty today but was once the origin of most life. Chagnon says the Yanomami liken this layer to a woman’s past childbearing years or a garden that is no longer in use. The next layer is the sky, where the souls of the dead live parallel to those in the living world. The third layer is where the Yanomami live; they envision this layer as a massive jungle. The bottom layer is empty except for the Amahiri-teri, the evil spirits who eat the souls of children. These originated during the time of the “first beings,” who were part human and part spirit and were the original people. The first beings are prominent in the stories of Yanomami mythology. Two notable figures include Boreawa, the first to acquire plantains, and Iwa, who was tricked into giving fire to the rest of humanity. One first being, Omauwä, is featured in the Yanomami flood myth. In this story, a great flood occurred after Omauwä dug for water for his son. This particular story explains the origin of foreigners. Those who chose to make boats to escape rather than climbing into the mountains became different from the Yanomami, and their speech became unintelligible. Following the flood, one of the few remaining first beings was the moon spirit, Periboriwa. The Yanomami believe that they were created from his spilled blood, which causes them to wage war.

Chagnon also describes the Yanomami concept of the soul. After death, the “real” part of a man is transformed into a no borebo that ascends to the sky layer and is judged by the spirit Wadawadariwa, who determines the fate of the departed based on their generosity in life. The Yanomami also believe in a second part of the soul, the bore, which leaves the body upon cremation and remains on earth. Finally, every person has a noreshi, a dual spirit that lives both within an individual and within an animal in the jungle. The animal is inherited within families, and its behavior mirrors that of the connected person. If one dies, so will the other, and they will also die if they both come into contact. The noreshi can also leave a person at will, which results in sickness. The vulnerability of noreshi to witchcraft makes it a target, and shamans combat demons sent by enemy groups to capture the noreshi of children.

The chapter also shows how the Yanomami deal with the bodies of the deceased. Those who have died due to an epidemic are left on tree platforms to decay, while all other deceased are cremated. The Yanomami then collect the ashes and ceremonially consume them about a year later. This endocannibalism is undertaken to maintain a connection between people in both life and death.

Finally, Chagnon discusses the role of shamans in Yanomami society. They cast charms and wage war against demons summoned by enemies. To contact these demons, they take hallucinogenic drugs and attempt to coax them to live inside their bodies. The role of the shaman is particularly tied to causing or curing sickness. To become a shaman, a man must fast and abstain from sex for a certain period of time. Chagnon notes that Rerebawä said he wanted to become a shaman due to his enjoyment of the necessary drugs, and because his wife was sexually unavailable while she was nursing their youngest child.