Wilmington's Lie: The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy

Alfred Moore Waddell (1834-1912) was a leading white supremacist from North Carolina. He came from the “white planter aristocracy” (12). He studied law at the University of North Carolina—Chapel Hill and briefly worked as a lawyer.

Although he was not a primary strategist of the white supremacy campaign, he was a political opportunist and an important figure in the coup of 1898. Prior to the outbreak of the Civil War, Waddell briefly supported the Union, going so far as to purchase the Wilmington Herald newspaper to promote pro-Union views. However, after attacks by the Union on Forts Johnston and Caswell near Wilmington, Waddell decided to support the Confederates. He fought for less than a year in the Civil War as a Confederate, leaving with the rank of lieutenant colonel. However, in an example of his political posturing, he would go by “Colonel” for the rest of his life.

Following the Civil War, Waddell “emerged as an unofficial spokesman for Wilmington’s aggrieved white ruling class” (12-13). He served as a US House Representative for the Democrats from 1871-1879. After losing his seat, he was desperate to regain political relevancy. When he learned of the white supremacy strategy, he insinuated himself into it by asking George Rountree to let him speak at their rallies. Later, he used the chaos of the coup itself to lead the charge to lynch Alex Manly and burn the Record office instead of Roger Moore. Finally, he had himself appointed mayor of Wilmington after forcing the resignation of the Republican mayor. He served as Wilmington mayor from 1898 to 1906. A talented and polemical writer, Waddell spread the narrative that the coup in Wilmington was lawful, necessary, and relatively bloodless.

Zucchino portrays Waddell as a savvy political operator and a ham who excelled at public speaking and reveled in adulation. For instance, Zucchino notes that Waddell made a show of sending for Roger Moore at home on the day of the coup while knowing full well that Moore was not at home but in fact stationed nearby. With Moore “unreachable,” Waddell was able to take charge. When Waddell addressed a rally, Zucchino adds that “he could go on without pause for an hour or more, rarely tiring, his voice perfectly modulated and rising when he described the nobility and purity of the white race” (146), holding the audience’s attention the whole while. As described by Zucchino, Waddell never missed the chance to speak to an audience. His large personality caused some tension among other white supremacist leaders who found him boorish, but he nevertheless was able to work with them to accomplish their shared goals.

Alex Manly (1866-1944) was the owner and operator of the Daily Record, the only daily Black newspaper in North Carolina. He used his newspaper to draw attention to issues affecting the Black community of Wilmington, such as “street improvements and the colored hospital ward” (93).

In August 1898, Manly wrote a polemical editorial denouncing a speech made by Georgia white supremacist Rebecca Latimer Felton. Felton advocated for the lynching of Black men who had sex with white women. In response, Manly’s editorial denounced the hypocrisy of white men, who often pursued or raped Black women, noted that white women were sometimes attracted to Black men, and overall challenged white supremacist notions of sexuality and race-mixing. Josephus Daniels republished Manly’s editorial in the News & Observer and made Manly a target of the ire of the white supremacy campaign. Manly was frequently threatened with lynching and his newspaper was forced to move locations. The events of November 10th began at the Record office which was burned down by a mob. Manly had fled the night before.

The events of November 10th upended Manly’s life, traumatized him, and made him bitter about white political “allies” like President McKinley when they failed to come to the aid of the Black community of Wilmington. His few public statements following November 10th suggest that he felt culpable for the attack on the Black community, stating to a reporter upon declining to comment further about the events, “‘I do not care to be responsible for further violence’” (327). His grandson, Lewin Manly, said that his grandfather never spoke of what happened privately. In an interview with the author, Lewin stated, “‘My grandfather probably blamed himself for all the deaths in Wilmington and it probably sent him to an early grave’” (352).

After leaving Wilmington, Manly worked as a housepainter and janitor in Philadelphia. He demonstrated his continued civic sentiment and dedication to the Black community by co-founding the Armstrong Association of Philadelphia “to promote black employment” (325).

Josephus Daniels (1862-1948) and Furnifold Simmons (1854-1940) were the architects of the white supremacy strategy to restore Democratic control of North Carolina politics by overthrowing the Fusionist government, a coalition of Populists and Republicans.

Despite his father’s Union sympathies, Daniels was a committed segregationist. After studying at Trinity College (now Duke University), Daniels worked his way up in North Carolina Democratic politics. He was gifted the State Chronicle newspaper by a former Confederate soldier, Julian Carr. In 1894, Carr gave Daniels a substantial loan to buy a competing newspaper, the News and Observer. Daniels was a polemical writer and editor who used the newspapers to promote the Democratic cause.

As Zucchino writes, “Daniels owned the loudest megaphone in the eastern half of the state” (71-72). He used his newspapers to garner support for white supremacy by publishing scandalous stories about the dangers of Black political rule and the threat Black men posed to white women. During his lifetime, Daniels never apologized for his role in inciting hatred even as he acknowledged that what the newspaper published was not always strictly true. Daniels eventually became Secretary of the Navy under President Woodrow Wilson and Ambassador to Mexico under President Roosevelt.

Furnifold Simmons was a savvy political operative who used his connections to Daniels and the Democratic party apparatus to ensure Democratic wins in the 1898 and 1900 elections. Although “at first glance, Simmons was not an impressive man,” he was “politically nimble, tactically resolute, and a genius at organizing” (72). Simmons used a typical 19th-century method of political organizing that relied on a political machine in which people were awarded patronage positions in the government bureaucracy in exchange for delivering votes. He was not above using election fraud, especially ballot box stuffing, to ensure a victory.

Simmons was a virulent white supremacist. Speaking at one rally, as quoted by Zucchino, he threatened violence against Black politicians and those who supported them. He was lauded by his supporters for his work. He would later go on to serve as a senator for North Carolina for 30 years.