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66 pages 2 hours read

Robert M. Sapolsky

Why Zebras Don't Get Ulcers: A Guide to Stress, Stress Related Diseases, and Coping

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 1993

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Chapters 13-15Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 13 Summary: “Why Is Psychological Stress Stressful?”

Scientists from various disciplines have contributed to the pool of stress research. Such research has provided relatively definitive insight on the impacts of short-term stress, but not as much is known about the implications of chronic psychological stress. Bioengineers deciphered the mechanisms underlying short-term physical stress, and later it was found that psychological perspectives can modulate stress, leading one physiologist, John Mason, to declare that all stress is psychological stress (254). While this idea was rejected by many in the field, psychological factors became critical to the scientific conversations surrounding stress.

Stress outlets—like exercise, creating art, or lashing out with displaced aggression—reduce the stress-response by distracting a person from the stress and by reminding them that the stress will pass. Exercise is particularly effective because the stress-response is meant to prepare the body for intense physical exertion. Studies show that those with higher social support have lower levels of stress hormones, while those who are isolated have a more sensitive stress-response. Socially-isolated individuals are also more likely to develop cardiovascular issues and, subsequently, to experience premature death, and minority individuals are more likely to experience mental illness.

Sometimes the stress-response can be decreased when the stressor is predictable, and one study found that unpredictable rewards can trigger the release of stress hormones. Predictable stressors allow an individual to plan how they will optimize their coping strategies. Similarly, a sense of control can mitigate one’s stress-response. Studies have shown that individuals working in occupations where they have little to no control have a higher risk of developing stress-related diseases.

Perception is another a powerful psychological force impacting the stress-response. Stress can be perceived as more or less severe depending on the context of the stressor. One study showed low rises in glucocorticoids when parents were told their child had a 1 in 4 chance of dying from cancer; the stress-response was reduced because all the children in the study had entered remission, so the 25% chance of dying was a significant improvement of the children’s circumstances.

Psychological factors often overlap: “[C]ontrol and predictability are closely aligned; combine them with a perception of things worsening, and you have the situation of bad things happening, out of your control, and utterly unpredictable” (264). The interplay of these factors explains why stress vulnerability varies between individuals. Stress management is more complex than trying to maintain predictability, control, and outlets.

One complexity arises from the fact that a lack of predictability and control can be entertaining, such as when reading an exciting book or riding a roller coaster. Predictability and control, in some instances, can have little impact on relieving stress or can cause stress. Predictions for frequent or rare stressors are ineffective, and vague predictions tend to exacerbate stress. Stress can also be intensified when people feel like they have control over uncontrollable circumstances. Society can worsen this effect by blaming individuals for uncontrollable events, such as blaming rape victims or blaming the parents of individuals with mental disorders.

Chapter 14 Summary: “Stress and Depression”

Major depression, a leading cause of disability, is relatively common. It is more severe and longer-lasting than milder depressed moods, and it has genetic and environmental causes.

The “defining feature” of major depression is anhedonia or dysphoria, or the lack of pleasure, and it is often accompanied by guilt, grief, and delusional thinking. Some people with major depression may also experience psychomotor retardation, which occurs when physical movements and speaking take significant concentration and effort. Although many judge people with major depression as self-indulgent, the condition is a medical disease with measurable symptoms, like sleep disruption, high glucocorticoid levels, and memory issues. Depressions come in multiple types, such as unipolar, bipolar or manic depression, and seasonal affective disorder. Bouts of depression are often cyclical.

Neurons are separated by gaps called synapses, and neurons use neurotransmitters to send signals between synapses from the axons of one cell to the dendrites of an adjacent neuron. Afterward, neurotransmitters are released from the dendrites and either reabsorbed by axons or flushed out. However, these systems can misfunction. Research suggests that neurotransmitter dysfunction causes depression, supported by the fact that anti-depressant medications, which work to strengthen the neurotransmitter signals, provide relief from depressive symptoms.

However, researchers have not been able to make any definitive conclusions, as they are unsure what specific neurotransmitter—dopamine, serotonin, or norepinephrine—is the issue, and the timing of drug administration and symptom relief and the unpredictability of anti-depressant effectiveness suggest the underlying process is more complicated than simply not having enough of a certain neurotransmitter. Sapolsky suggests that different forms of depression have different underlying factors, but there is not much data available on the topic.

The cortex manages cognition, the limbic system processes emotions, and the other areas of the brain contribute to involuntary biological processes, such as blood pressure and hormone management. A simplified view of depression is that the cortex convinces other areas of the brain that its negative thoughts are as critical as an acute physical stressor. When a certain area of the cortex—the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), which is involved with negative emotions—is separated from the rest of the brain, depression ceases. The ACC and the amygdala are hyperactive in individuals with depression.

The prefrontal cortex (PFC) deals with emotions, but the processes are divided, with the left half of the PFC activated during positive emotions and the right activated for negative emotions. People with depression show increased activity in the right half of the PFC. Diseases that cause overactivity in the immune system are correlated with higher rates of depression, and cytokines, a messenger cell that is sometimes used in cancer treatment, can cause depression. Hormones and depression impact one another: Females are more at-risk for unipolar depression, which, Sapolsky suggests, may be due to fluctuating ratios of estrogen and progesterone.

Experiencing a significant stressor increases one’s risk of developing major depression, and multiple stress-depression events trigger a cyclical response—“somewhere around the fourth depression or so, a mad clockwork takes over, and the depressive waves crash, regardless of whether the outside world pummels you with stressors” (292). High glucocorticoid levels are associated with depression and can trigger genetic components of depression. Vice versa, depression causes elevated glucocorticoid levels.

Glucocorticoids may contribute to the neurotransmitter abnormalities thought to underlie depression, and they may explain why people with depression are more likely to experience immunosuppression, osteoporosis, heart disease, memory impairment, and hippocampal and frontal cortex atrophy. Researchers are exploring whether some cases of depression can be treated with glucocorticoid suppressants, but the treatment may not be effective for everyone, and it may have adverse side effects.

Sapolsky discusses Freud’s take on depression, which Freud had attributed to ambivalence following the loss of a loved one. After the loss of a loved one, people with major depression tend to take on personality traits—particularly irritating traits—of the person they lost. Freud’s perspective supports the idea that major depression is internalized aggression. Learned helplessness is another trait of stress and depression. Stressed rats struggle to learn how to perform simple tasks that may help relieve their stress, and they develop dysphoria, sleep issues, and sometimes engage in self-harm. Learned helplessness has also been demonstrated in human studies.

Sapolsky reiterates that there are multiple explanations for depression, and he suggests that stress is the “unifying theme” running throughout the hypothesized causes of the disease. Most people are able to recover from stressors, but those with depression have a biological vulnerability that obstructs the recovery process. There is a gene that impacts 5-HTT, a serotonin transporter that causes serotonin reuptake from synapses. The gene determines how effectively serotonin is removed, and glucocorticoids impact the quantity of 5-HTT. From this emerges a simple model of depression: A stressor occurs, resulting in symptoms of depression and, depending on a person’s gene variant, the person may recover quickly from the stressor or may experience a major depression.

Chapter 15 Summary: “Personality, Temperament, and Their Stress-Related Consequences”

Stress-related psychological differences are exemplified through two male baboons, Gary and Kenneth. Gary, who has high glucocorticoids and poor mental and physical health, is aggressively competitive and has been successful in achieving a high rank and multiple sexual partners. Kenneth, also high-ranking, prioritizes relationships and elected not to assume the top-ranking position: He is happy and healthy with low glucocorticoid levels. Like modern humans, these baboons have ample resources, so their stress is predominantly psychological.

Sapolsky and his associates documented behaviors in relation to glucocorticoid levels. Male baboons with low glucocorticoids are adept at distinguishing between threatening and non-threatening social situations and whether they won or lost a dispute, are more assertive during tense social situations, are more likely to displace their aggression by attacking lower-ranked members and are more likely to have platonic relationships with females.

Suomi, who conducted similar studies on macaques, found a correlation between the personalities of young monkeys and their fathers, even when the father was not present, suggesting a genetic component to personality. However, personality aspects can be countered through the mother’s nurturing behavior, showing a strong environmental component. Stress-related issues in primates can develop from a mismatch between the level of stressors and the subsequent stress-responses and from not taking advantage of coping strategies. Studies in humans show a correlation between personality types and vulnerability to stress-related diseases; however, people should be skeptical of the connections. For instance, blaming otherwise unexplained repeated miscarriages on a woman’s personality is damaging, and it is more likely that the underlying causes haven’t been discovered.

Anxiety disorders are characterized by persistent vigilance and insecurity. Anxiety includes the subtypes of post-traumatic stress disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and specific phobias. People with anxiety perceive that stressors are everywhere and that their safety depends on maintaining constant coping mechanisms. Anxiety is associated with increased levels of catecholamines—epinephrine and norepinephrine—rather than with high glucocorticoids. Some sources of anxiety, such as having one’s breathing obstructed, are innate, but most sources of anxiety are implicitly learned. This implicit learning is regulated by the amygdala, which is hyperreactive in people with anxiety.

Stress decreases the size and function of the hippocampus, and it strengthens the connections and functions of the amygdala. One expert, Joseph LeDoux, proposed that severe stress inhibits the hippocampus and activates the amygdala so that traumatic memories are not properly consolidated. Thus, the traumatic memory is mediated by the amygdala rather than the hippocampus.

Researchers have found a link between Type-A personalities and cardiovascular disease. Type-A personalities are characterized by competitiveness, impatience, and hostility. Insecurity-driven hostility is the primary trait associated with increased rates of death and disease. When Type-A individuals learn to manage their hostility, their health risks drop. Type-A behaviors were first documented by Dr. Meyer Friedman, a cardiologist who was frustrated when he had to repeatedly reupholster the chairs in his waiting room. The upholsterer noted that the wear patterns along the front edge of the seat and arm rests were unusual, but Friedman did not take note of the comment until years later.

People with repressive personalities claim not to experience a significant amount of stress, but their stress-responses are chronically activated. People with repressive personalities are stoic, inflexible, follow a strict routine, and have black-and-white thinking. They are driven by a strong need for conformity and fears of social condemnation. They have high glucocorticoid levels and are vulnerable to cardiac issues, which, Sapolsky suggests, develop from the individual’s attempts to construct a world without stress.

Chapters 13-15 Analysis

Sapolsky now shifts his focus to the relationship between The Implications of Modern Chronic Stress and Strategies for Stress Management and Prevention. To introduce this section of the text, he provides an overview of broad stress management techniques—outlets for frustration, predictability and control, and perception management—with the latter being the primary focus in Chapters 14 and 15, which examine mental health and personality traits. The Implications of Modern Chronic Stress are explicitly addressed. Stress can trigger major depression, and people with certain personality types are prone to stress and stress-related diseases.

While Strategies for Stress Management and Prevention are directly addressed in Chapter 13, the theme is implied through the conversations on depression and personality traits. One can mitigate the impact of stressful psychological states through various methods, such as treating depression, addressing hostility, or seeking help for anxiety. These strategies can, in turn, mitigate one’s stress levels.

While Sapolsky suggests that shifting one’s perspective can serve as an effective method of stress management, he also stresses the limits of mindset alterations. Stress appears to play a role in the development of major depression, but major depression cannot be cured by shifting one’s perspective. Sapolsky argues, “it is the interaction between the ambiguous experiences that life throws at us and the biology of our vulnerabilities and resiliencies that determines which of us fall prey to this awful disease” (308). Through this sentiment, Sapolsky reinforces the idea that depression is a biological disease that is impacted by psychological experiences. Thus, pessimistic perspectives do not cause depression, and individuals with depression cannot be blamed for their disease.

A similar concept is demonstrated in the discussion on anxiety. Anxiety is an implicit response, meaning those who experience anxiety may not be able to identify the cause of their immediate anxious feelings. Sapolsky’s repeated emphasis that a person is not to blame for their psychological conditions reflects back on his criticism of Siegel (See: Key Figures). By obviously stating the limitations of managing one’s perspective, Sapolsky avoids placing undue blame on people who experience these conditions.

Along the same lines, Sapolsky addresses social sources of blame that can result in additional stress. He targets the tendency of society to blame victims, individuals with mental conditions, and minorities:

‘She was asking for it if she was going to dress that way’ (rape victims have the control to prevent the rape). ‘Your child’s schizophrenia was caused by your mothering style’ (this was a destructive belief that dominated psychology for decades before the disease was recognized to be neurochemical). ‘If they’d only made the effort to assimilate, they wouldn’t have these problems’ (minorities have the power to prevent their persecution) (268).

Such comments support that much of modern stress is socially-constructed. While the overt sentiments seem to portray a pessimistic attitude toward society, they also carry undertones of hope: If sources of stress can be socially- constructed, they can also be socially deconstructed.

This deconstruction process can be accomplished through advancing knowledge. Sapolsky notes that scientists cite psychogenic causes for a disease or a medical event after they have ruled out other known potential causes. In other words, medical issues are attributed to psychological causes when scientists cannot find a biological cause, but that does not mean a biological cause does not exist. As noted in the example above, professionals blamed mothering styles for schizophrenia before they discovered the biological roots of the disease. Scientists, as well as society, can cause additional stress by labeling disorders as psychogenic, and such declarations are likely inaccurate and a result of lack of knowledge rather than a result of the individual’s perspective.

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