43 pages • 1 hour read
Reni Eddo-LodgeA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Structural racism permeates all aspects of British society, yet white people have been slow to recognize the extent of the problem. Indeed, many white people deny the existence of structural racism altogether. This denial prompted Eddo-Lodge to write Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race. The blog and book open with a bold statement about her intentions: “I’m no longer engaging with white people on the topic of race. Not all white people, just the vast majority who refuse to accept the legitimacy of structural racism and its symptoms” (ix).
Eddo-Lodge uses examples from the criminal justice system and affordable housing to explain race-based systemic inequities. In Chapter 2, she discusses the 1993 murder of 18-year-old Stephen Lawrence in London by a gang of young white men. Stephen’s parents sought justice for their son, only to receive pushback from law enforcement. The police and Crown Prosecution Service refused to charge the suspects despite statements from an eyewitness (one of Stephen’s Black friends). Three years later, during a private prosecution launched by Stephen’s family, a judge ruled that evidence from the eyewitness was invalid. In 1997, however, a public inquest found that five suspects were guilty of killing Stephen in “an unprovoked racist attack” (58). The Police Complaints Authority then determined that there were “significant weaknesses, omissions and lost opportunities” (58) in the handling of the case. Still, it was not until 2012, 19 years after Stephen’s death, that two out of five suspects were found guilty of his murder and received life sentences. For Eddo-Lodge and many people of color, this was too little, too late. Three out of five of the killers never paid for their crime while two lived as free men for 19 years. public inquiry concluded structural racism played a central role in the case. Police and prosecutors did not treat the murder of a young Black man as conscientiously as they should have; they questioned the credibility of the Black eyewitness’ and they were lenient with the white suspects.
Eddo-Lodge further explains structural racism with a discussion of affordable housing in Chapter 6. She uses her childhood neighborhood of Tottenham to demonstrate gentrification and government policies harm communities of color. Like many large urban centers, London suffers from a shortage of affordable housing. This has pushed real estate developers and buyers into emerging markets, that is, into low-income, minority neighborhoods like Tottenham. In 2015, London embarked on a £131 million regeneration program, which included the construction of affordable homes in Tottenham. Studies found that most local Black residents were excluded from the program because they did not meet the minimum income requirements, a number that was raised by the area’s white newcomers. The city council acknowledged the problem, but they approached it solely in economic terms rather than recognizing its racial underpinnings. The example of Tottenham not only brings the problem of structural racism to the fore, but also underscores the entwined relationship between race and class.
Feminists advocate for women’s rights and equality of the sexes, but they do not lobby for all women equally. Women of color have largely been overlooked by white feminists, a point Eddo-Lodge makes in Chapter 5. She starts the chapter with a discussion of the television show Girls, which follows the personal and professional tribulations of a group of white millennial women. Critics hailed Girls as a triumph of feminist television despite the show’s lack of diversity. This aspect of the show was perplexing given that it was set and filmed in New York City, one of the most racially diverse cities in the country. Eddo-Lodge wrote a blog about the show, which ended with a harsh indictment of white feminism: “When feminists can see the problem with all-male panels, but can’t see the problem with all-white television programmes, it’s worth questioning who they’re really fighting for” (144). For Eddo-Lodge, the ease with which white people defend all-white spaces is particularly galling, a point she makes using strong language:
Theirs was an impenetrable bubble, and their feminism sat neatly within it. Not only this, but the feminists who insisted they were agitating for a better world for all women didn’t actually give a shit about black people and, by extension, they didn’t give a shit about women of colour (145).
Eddo-Lodge describes herself as an intersectional feminist. For Black feminists, intersectionality aims to address the intersection of two distinct forms of discrimination—racism and sexism. Based on the work of Crenshaw, bell hooks, and others, it recognizes that Black women do not experience sexism in the same ways as white women, and they do not experience racism in the same ways as Black men. Intersectionality examines the ways race and gender crossover to create obstacles to equality. Eddo-Lodge criticizes the exclusivity of white feminism and its hostility to intersectional feminists:
When black feminists started to push for an intersectional analysis in British feminism, the widespread response from feminists who were white was not one of support. Instead, they began to make the case that the word ‘intersectional’ was utter jargon—too difficult for anyone without a degree to understand—and therefore useless (160).
Feminists must broaden their mission beyond helping white women succeed in spaces dominated by white men. They must stop enforcing the idea that whiteness is the norm. Equal rights and representation extend beyond white women. To achieve true equality, feminism must work to
liberate all people who have been economically, socially and culturally marginalised by an ideological system that has been designed for them to fail. That means disabled people, black people, trans people, women and non-binary people, LGB people and working-class people (181).
Racial inequality in contemporary Britain is a legacy of the country’s colonial past. In Chapter 1, Eddo-Lodge presents her personal experiences alongside Black British history to draw connections between current and past racism. Black British history is undertaught in British schools. Eddo-Lodge’s first opportunity to study Black British history came in her second year of university. Pursuing the subject further required effort and “a hefty amount of self-directed study” (7). The dearth of courses in Black British history is part of the erasure of people of color in Britain and reflects their low position in the socio-economic hierarchy.
Eddo-Lodge seeks to dispel the myth that all people of color in Britain are recent immigrants. Thus, she provides an overview of the growth of the country’s non-white population until the late 20th century. The British were directly involved in the transatlantic slave trade. Although Britain sent most of its captives to work in its colonies in the Americas and Caribbean, some Africans remained in Britain. Like other colonial powers, Britain treated Africans as disposable commodities valued primarily for their labor and ability to produce more slaves. The attitudes and beliefs underlying the brutal treatment of Africans during slavery did not disappear after the abolition of slavery in 1833.
Britain’s mistreatment of African captives is of a piece with its treatment of sepoys, Indian soldiers who fought on behalf of Britain in return for freedom from colonial rule during World War I. (The British government later reneged on its promise to end colonialism in India.) The British did not adequately clothe and equip sepoys. Consequently, some sepoys died on the long journey from India to Europe. Sepoys were assigned menial tasks once they reached the battlefields, such as digging trenches and carrying injured soldiers. Poor working conditions and low pay led a sepoy regiment in Taranto, Italy to stage a strike, which then turned into a mutiny. Many of the sepoys who participated in World War I moved to Britain after the fighting ended, leading to a growth in the non-white population.
New labor demands prompted the British government to encourage immigration from its colonies after the Second World War. Friction between white people and people of color grew as more immigrants arrived in the country. This friction sometimes erupted in violence, as evidenced by the Nottingham race riots of 1958. Despite rising tensions, the British government did not officially address racism until it passed the Race Relations Act in 1965. The passing of the act did not end racial discord. Instead racism grew more pronounced in the 1970s with the revival of sus laws, which gave police the power to stop, search, and arrest suspected criminals, most of whom were people of color. The criminalization of Blackness grew alongside the National Front, a white, far-right, anti-immigration political party that capitalized on anti-Black sentiments. The recession of the 1980s exacerbated racial inequalities with Black and Asian men suffering from unemployment at 10 times the rate of white men (36). Race riots also continued across the country. Police responded by increasing their harassment of people of color.
Centuries of race-based discrimination cannot be undone without first dismantling the structures that support it, such as discriminatory policing. Britain’s colonial past laid the foundation for these structures. Unvarnished discussions about the past are key to addressing contemporary racism. Eddo-Lodge’s opening chapter provides a basis for these discussions, filling a gap in the British educational system.
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