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Nancy IsenbergA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Class and identity politics are not separate but “operate in tandem” (xiii). Indeed, as far back as Jefferson, American parties have employed the rhetoric of identity. Isenberg argues that class history in the United States (US) is more complicated than the version that history books present. In 2016, Donald Trump “tapped into a rich vein of identity politics: the embrace of the common man, the working stiff, the forgotten rural American” (xv). In so doing, he joined a tradition of other politicians such as Andrew Jackson, who complained of a rigged election in 1824, and James Vardaman, who was known as the “White Chief” from Mississippi in the early 20th century. Vardaman attacked Theodore Roosevelt for embracing Black people and insulted his wealthy pedigree. Similarly, Trump used class symbols to appeal to the disinherited, rural outsiders, provincial voters, so-called working stiffs, and those fearful of losing class status (xxi). He signaled through his language and optics that he was one of them and channeled their resentment toward pedigreed elites, urban insiders, professionals, and those with faith in upward mobility. Appealing primarily to the white workforce, he targeted those who did not graduate college. Since only 32.5% of Americans have a college degree, he mobilized large numbers of people with his calls of America First. He claimed that he would restore the American dream for those who were left behind.
Isenberg seeks to place the plight of this underclass over four centuries in context. There is an underclass of white people who have been “mocked since colonial times – whether called waste people, mudsills, rednecks, or white trash” (xxiii). Class remains a part of American society. Hoping to ensure that no Americans are dismissed as less deserving than others, Isenberg seeks to expose the hidden reality of class.
Isenberg provides examples from popular culture, such as The Dukes of Hazzard television show and the Bob Ewell character in To Kill a Mockingbird, that depict poor white people negatively or label them as white trash. While Americans lack an appreciation or understanding of class, there is a class hierarchy in the US. Its roots date to the colonial era in the 1500s and 1600s. Originally called “waste people,” poor Americans “were stigmatized for their inability to be productive, to own property, or to produce healthy and upwardly mobile children” (xxvii). The language used to describe them marked them as inferior. That language had its roots in English attitudes toward vagrancy and denoted “a transatlantic fixation with animal husbandry, demography, and pedigree” (xxviii). Stereotypes of ill breeding remain obvious into the 21st century. Land and property ownership are central to class identity. Isenberg argues that the marginalized classes were equated with scrubby, barren, and swampy wasteland (xxix). In the book, she seeks to tell the story of America’s rural past and the role of class.
American history is most often presented without reference to social class. In reality, the early settlement of the colonies was defined by class. The British sought to transport those considered idle and unproductive to the Americas and, thereby, reduce poverty at home. The poor in England were considered a breed apart and incurable. Long before they came to be labeled “trailer trash,” they were called “lubbers,” “rubbish,” “clay-eaters,” and “crackers.” This underclass has persisted in American history despite the promise of equality of opportunity.
Initially, the British conceptualized the region formerly referred to as the New World as a “foul, weedy wilderness – a ‘sink hole’ suited to ill-bred commoners” (3). Favorable images of America came later. After the 1630s, less than one half of immigrants journeyed to the Massachusetts colony for religious reasons. Indeed, the vast majority of early colonists were considered “rubbish” and were sent to do hard labor. Some were vagrants and criminals. Others were indentured servants. Poor people, including young children from the lower class, were at times rounded up and sent over to the Americas. Discharged soldiers from the lower classes were also sent to the colonies, and poor women were sent for breeding purposes. The upper class in England viewed those who did not belong to their own social class as expendable.
This reality stands in stark contrast to the classless version of American history. There were—and are—impoverished and landless people, but they are hidden or invisible to the wealthier classes. Fables, such as Pocahontas’s purported rescue of John Smith, were constructed. While there is debate about whether such a rescue took place, Pocahontas did not choose to live in Jamestown but was there as a captive. Greed, colonial conquest, and class exploitation are simply missing from the narrative of American history. Yet, the identities of haves and have-nots established in the early colonial days persist. Those without land had “little chance to escape servitude” (14), and that “stigma of landlessness” became a defining feature of “white trash” (14). Isenberg notes that popular culture in the mid-20th century classified people by class, with shows such as The Beverly Hillbillies and Green Acres depicting rural poor people as stupid.
In the opening chapters, Isenberg provides an overview of her argument. Despite its cherished ideals of equality of opportunity and individual rights, the US is and always has been a class-based society. Isenberg focuses on the historical and contemporary disdain of upper- and middle-class Americans for the white underclass. Tracing the contempt for the white poor, now dubbed white trash, to the early colonization of America, Isenberg explains that the colonies were initially places to send the unwanted of England. The land itself was considered poor, a perfect location for what were called waste people or the poor and ill-bred of England. Isenberg repeatedly emphasizes the significance of location in the determination of class status. To make her case for upper- and middle-class contempt for those who are white and poor, Isenberg cites the words of those in the upper and middle classes. She provides extensive footnotes to document these narrative accounts. Additionally, she refers to economic statistics to prove the enduring class structure.
Another source of support for Isenberg’s argument is popular culture. In these early chapters, Isenberg cites television shows such as The Beverly Hillbillies to showcase the continuity of negative stereotypes of poor white people. Throughout the work, she draws from popular novels, television shows, and movies to demonstrate the persistence of such negative stereotypes. She joins other respected academics in analyzing popular culture’s depictions of groups of people. Popular culture both reflects and shape attitudes, and the depiction of a group is especially powerful in shaping attitudes of those who have little or no interaction with its members. Given that zoning and other laws keep poor white people apart from the middle and upper classes, depictions of them in popular culture are likely to create or reinforce stereotypes in the minds of the upper and middle classes. White poor people are either invisible or negatively depicted in most of popular culture. As other scholars have documented, the most important element of political socialization in popular culture is casting, not plot. People forget the plots but remember the roles, especially if those images are repeated often enough. Andrew Rojecki and Robert Entman demonstrated the prevalence of stereotypes of Black people in their seminal work, The Black Image in the White Mind: Media and Race in America (2001). Michael Parenti (Make-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment, 1991) had earlier exposed the stereotypes of Italians as mafia or criminals and other such stereotypes that were reinforced by popular shows. Isenberg joins these academics in supporting her argument with references to the treatment of a specific group in popular culture.
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