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49 pages 1 hour read

Sheryl WuDunn, Nicholas D. Kristof

Tightrope

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2020

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Themes

The Importance of Education

In Tightrope, the authors demonstrate how education can be a key component of an individual’s ability to escape poverty, and how poverty, in turn, can determine how well one is able to pursue education. They conclude that in an increasingly globalized, automated world, education—and in particular, early childhood education, as well as vocational education and technical training—must form an important part of America’s strategy to improve the welfare of the working class.

As the authors note early in the book, America ranks low on global lists for high school graduation rates and standardized test scores (even though American students are more confident than students in other countries that they’ve mastered a topic). However, the reason that working-class American children are struggling isn’t that they are less intelligent or motivated; instead, it’s that their backgrounds, as well as the school systems in which they are educated, make it difficult for them to thrive. On the one hand, many of the people the authors profile were raised in families in which parents had little formal education; as a result, families like the Knapps did not place the same priority on acquiring book-based knowledge, as the parents hadn’t received or needed it in their working lives: “The Knapp home had guns but not books; the children were taught how to tinker with cars but not to read” (115). This situation not only led the Knapp children and others to acquire skills that are out of stop with a 21st-century knowledge economy—namely, mechanical skills—but also left their parents unable to navigate the kinds of challenges associated with having their children struggle in school; lacking the skill set of navigating bureaucracy, Dee Knapp was unsure how to respond when the school forced her children out for bad behavior.

In this way, the problems stemming from a lack of education due to poverty are twofold: On the one hand, children miss out on the formal knowledge they need to graduate from school and find work; on the other, they lose opportunities to acquire life skills, such as financial literacy, applying to college, and navigating bureaucracy, that come from education. In the spirit of offering solutions, the authors suggest that some of these problems could be solved not just by aiming for universal high school graduation, but by offering more vocational programs in schools to help young people better access the job market.

The authors also explore this theme by showing the inverse—demonstrating instances where people were encouraged to pursue education by mentors and were supported in doing so. One example is Mary Daly, a woman from a working-class family who dropped out of school at 15 but who was encouraged to get her GED and go to university by a local college teacher; she thrived in college and ended up president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco in 2018.

Finally, the authors explore the importance of education by discussing the role of good-quality early childhood education on reversing the effects of poverty. When children experience adverse experiences before the age of five, they can suffer brain damage, with lifelong effects. Early childhood programs, like the Circle Preschool in Richmond Virginia, can reverse some of these effects, using play-based therapy to address trauma and offering coaching to parents. Intensive interventions, like a program called Reach Out and Read, which “prescribes” reading during doctor visits and gives out free children’s books, can make a difference. In discussing these and other education-based initiatives to addressing poverty, the authors are engaging with an important mission of the book, which is to offer achievable solutions to America’s problems.

The Injustice of America’s Two-Tier System

Throughout the book, the authors note instances where systems are punitive toward the working class, while letting wealthy individuals off easy. These include the government’s response to the opioid epidemic, which levied fines, but no jail time, against the pharmaceutical companies that recklessly and mendaciously marketed their products, contrasted with the war on drugs, which has helped contribute to the United States having the largest prison population in the world, and the ways in which the IRS only audits a small fraction of the tax returns of the wealthy but rigorously scrutinizes a high proportion of those making less than $20,000 who receive the Earned Income Tax Credit. By highlighting the ways in which America has two different systems for wealthy and poor people, the theme of America’s two-tier system helps explain how so many people are struggling, even as the American economy is doing well.

In Chapter 4, the authors write that “the old feudal aristocracy kept its wealth through a combination of rules and norms, and so does today’s new aristocracy” (46). As the wealthy gain power, they use that power to manipulate institutions such as the tax code to their advantage, allowing them to pay little to no income tax. Societal attitudes play an important part in creating this situation, too, as the authors note that many of the working-class people they speak to are more bothered by the idea of poor people defrauding the government for small amounts of money than they are by high-level corruption. This is partly a function of proximity, and also a reflection of societal attitudes that holds people in poverty responsible for their own suffering. Either way, the lens compounds America’s two-tier system and renders it all the harder to address: Not only are people in poverty subject to unfair policies from government, but they’re also blamed for defrauding that government (fears that are mostly unfounded—as the authors note, for instance, the fraud rate on food stamps is 1.4%).

The criminal justice system is an area in which the contradictions of America’s two-tier system are particularly prominent. A wide variety of offences related to poverty can lead to incarceration, from unpaid fines, for which the authors find 23 people imprisoned in Tulsa on one visit to the city’s jail, to inability to pay a $1 bail. Many people are also incarcerated due to drug possession as part of the tough anti-drug legislation introduced in the 1980s, which has done nothing to reduce deaths from overdoses and rates of addiction but has torn apart families and communities and contributed to America’s soaring prison population. As the authors note, this has been particularly impactful for African Americans: “The United States Sentencing Commission found that blacks get sentences 19 percent longer than whites do for the same offense, even after controlling for criminal history and other variables” (183). The existence of this kind of bias, which is replicated in other aspects of society, gives lie to the notion that involvement in the criminal justice system is a matter of personal responsibility.

The racism of American society therefore creates another kind of two-tier system, between white and Black citizens. Because of policies like the GI Bill of Rights, which helped many Americans buy homes and gain access to the middle class but excluded Black people, the median Black family now has only a fraction of the wealth of the median white family. Similarly, Black constituents have a harder time getting responses from their political representatives, Black children are more likely to attend poorly performing schools, and Black communities struggled with joblessness long before white communities began experiencing the same problem. All of this underscores how, alongside the two-tier system created by class in America, there is another hierarchy imposed by race.

The Intergenerational Impact of Poverty

The authors chronicle the impact of poverty not only on the people Kristof grew up with, but also their children: “It is heartbreaking to try to chronicle the suffering of a place you love, and we found it particularly painful to watch the dysfunction in old friends replicated in their children and their children’s children” (15). In these personal accounts, through the stories of other individuals, and through research, the authors highlight the theme that the effects of poverty cascade through generations, as cycles of addiction, trauma, and despair are repeated within families. Ultimately, the authors conclude that breaking these cycles can have a meaningful impact on the suffering of working-class communities, both through large-scale government policies such as a monthly child allowance and provision of high-quality early-childhood education, and through interpersonal initiatives such as mentoring programs that provide at-risk youth with positive role models.

The authors explore the intergenerational nature of poverty by examining families in which dysfunction is repeated in successive generations, such as the Knapps. The Knapp children had an abusive, alcoholic father; they in turn had struggles with addiction and ended up in violent and dysfunctional relationships. In time, the same cycle was repeated with their own children. Meanwhile, the fact that the parent, Dee and Gary, had little formal schooling meant that they did not push their children to prioritize school, nor did they have the facility in bureaucratic environments to deal with school administrations when their children got in trouble and were forced out of the classroom. Through the example of the Knapp family, and through profiles of other struggling households, the authors underscore how not just poverty, but also all the struggles that accompany poverty—including addiction, family dysfunction, and lack of education—conspire to condemn children to repeat the same cycles as their parents, or worse. To further highlight these compounding effects, the authors investigate the examples of young people from Yamhill and elsewhere who grew up poor, but in stable, two-parent households that emphasized education, and went on to better circumstances, to show how it’s the combination of deprivation and despair that creates intergenerational poverty.

The authors also explore how the intergenerational nature of poverty highlights the value of two-parent households, and of marriage (insofar as marriage increases the likelihood that parents will stay together). Part of this benefit is purely economic, as it likely means two incomes to support the family rather than one. However, it also increases the chance that there will be a male role model in the household, which has a positive impact on the outcomes for boys in particular (marriage is also associated with upward mobility for men). Progressives are often dismissive of the importance of family, the authors write, in part because many of the champions of “family values” are conservatives who haven’t shown much respect for these values in their own lives, where they’ve been divorced or engaged in adulterous relationships. Either way, the most important thing two-parent households provide, whatever form they take, may be stability, the authors write. Poverty makes this stability harder to attain—either people are repeating the trauma of their own dysfunctional families, or they’re less likely to marry, as the lack of good blue-collar jobs makes working-class men less desirable marriage partners.

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