41 pages • 1 hour read
Joseph E. StiglitzA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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This chapter shows how the US political system fails to correct the problems of an unequal economic system and contributes to inequality. Laws like the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 were meant to stave off another Great Recession but did not “far enough,” as federal regulators did not ever fully punish the banks for their fraudulent (and sometimes criminal) conduct. Stiglitz also examines the “economics and politics of voting itself” (119) to see how the rules of the political and economic “game” are controlled by the 1 percent. In so doing, he presents six factors that undermine voting in America.
First is the “voting paradox.” Many people think the system will not work for them, so they do not vote, while those who believe the system will work, and who can invest money into the political system, do vote. This kind of “voter disillusionment” deepens when voters see that they lack the resources to shape the political system toward their interests.
Second, with the inequality and market failures that led to predatory behavior from the banks (e.g., charging usury interest rates on credit cards), trust in the system has fallen so far that if inequality is not managed, it could lead to social conflict.
Third, the system is perceived as unfair, offering less opportunity, so voters see it as designed to help the wealthy while silencing the voices of the poor. Thus, and fourth, disillusionment extends toward the media, as people no longer trust news about the economic and political system.
Fifth are continuing attempts to disenfranchise whole groups of voters. Republicans believe that too many unqualified people are allowed to vote; Democrats believe that people who have the right to vote are being prevented from voting. Federal laws stop the worst abuses, but states use voter restrictions and other initiatives to dampen voter turnout (such as putting too few voting stations in a district, sending out incorrect information, and disenfranchising felons).
Finally, the US electoral system has disempowered voters by allowing too much money to flood campaigns after the 2010 Citizens United Supreme Court decision equated political donations with free speech, which allowed corporations (already viewed as individuals before the law) to make huge donations and shape election outcomes. Add to these problems gerrymandering, in which state representatives redraw electoral boundaries to favor one political party, and people quickly come to believe that their one vote makes little difference.
These factors have lowered voter turnout and led people to move outside of the system, as they did in Occupy Wall Street, to try to effect change. Stiglitz suggests that the 1 percent block the circulation of ideas that threaten their power, so the ideas and interests of the median, everyday voter never get represented. But the 99 percent have little reason to stay in the system because its outcomes are biased: voting and policies favor the top. And the country is biased in “perceptions and beliefs” (137) because the top convinces the bottom that they share the same interests.
Stiglitz also argues that there is a link between inequality, globalization, and democracy. The 1 percent control US politics as well as politics in other countries. For example, when Greece’s economy was suffering under crushing debt, the US financial sector threatened the country with low bond ratings (which would have prevented the government from selling its bonds to raise money) if the Greek government did not follow its financial advice. This means that countries cannot have their own democracy, the right to self-determination, as long as globalization continues to be “full and unfettered” (140).
US influence has taken a hit because of its unfair economic and political systems at home and its actions on the international stage. The United States relies on soft power, meaning its values and beliefs are shared with other countries, which allows Americans to lead the world and spread ideas, like its beliefs in human rights and equality. But the United States has used its influence to shore up the power and interests of the 1 percent—at home and abroad—rather than level the playing field.
Stiglitz shows how the 1 percent have convinced the 99 percent that the two have “shared interests,” and he makes the case that the United States needs a new approach to government. Recent surveys show, for example, that most Americans underestimate how much wealth the top has and that inequality is increasing. While many of the bottom 99 percent do not know the difference between reality and perception, Stiglitz argues that the top 1 percent do know the difference and use that knowledge to make inequality seem less widespread and damaging than it is. In other words, the 1 percent use psychology to propagate their ideas.
Stiglitz looks at behavioral economics because it is dedicated to finding out how people actually behave and then uses that information to shape behavior. People have “systematic misperceptions” and “consistent biases in judgments” (149) that are caused by framing, in which the context a question is asked in is manipulated. Further, people have “equilibrium fictions,” meaning that humans process information according to their beliefs, so beliefs are strengthened as people perceive information as consistent with them; they are bombarded by marketing designed to shape behavior, and beliefs and perceptions also shape collective behavior.
Stiglitz offers two ideas about perceptions and inequality. First, when individuals believe that their employers treat them unfairly, they do less work. Second, perceptions of fairness are linked to inequality. Big ideas, not individual policy about the market, matters most. This battle between those who advance the idea of redistribution and those who do not also explains the state’s failure to interfere in the market while extolling the market’s virtues. But these big ideas are also linked to ideas about democracy. Ideas change over time but do so slowly because they are creations of specific social times. They are created by people, so they are social constructs. Beliefs about individual effort, for example, can determine how a person views government programs: If someone believes that luck contributes to their success, they are more likely to share; if a person believes they achieved success on their own, then they are less likely to share.
Those among the 1 percent who want to maintain inequality can do so because they have access to media and education, because they can create “social distance” by making ideas seem independent from their own interests, and because they can promote their ideas like marketers. They can also “capture” politicians in the sense that politicians will use the 1 percent’s ideas rather than create their own. Even though there is a debate over big ideas, the goal is not to have a debate about an idea’s worth but to gain converts, much like policy debates. For example, consider the estate tax. Even though most of the 99 percent will never qualify, since inheritances are not taxed until $5 million or higher, they fight to end the tax. These battles over ideas matter because they determine the course of inequality.
Yet in the battle of ideas, the Right argues that liberalization (ending restrictions on private activities) and privatization (turning public enterprises over to private companies) will stop rent seeking and oppose government intervention. In essence, the Right opposes regulation despite its effectiveness, even though some privatization has led to widespread abuses. Consequently, some cutbacks were instituted after the Great Recession, such as cuts to agribusiness’s government subsidies for ethanol.
Therefore, no one group can ever fully control ideas in a democracy. The US economy is not sustainable, even though some economic indicators like real per capita GDP, which is adjusted for inflation, are high, so people believe the economy is doing well. But the current debt is not sustainable; like the housing bubble that burst in 2008, some things will have to change. Stiglitz advocates for, among other things, an economy that takes care of natural resources and puts regulations in place to save the economy.
Chapters 5 and 6 detail how citizens in a democracy, including the 99 percent, are supposed to have a say in how the economy and the political system are run, as well as just how powerless those without money truly are in America. Indeed, Chapters 5 and 6 are a masterclass on how corruption has infiltrated American life and the pursuit of the American dream.
Stiglitz patiently details how the 1 percent do it. First, they lower trust—the banking industry has been engaging in shady practices and getting away with it because the political system does not hold it accountable. But then they manipulate the 99 percent to adopt their interests, to put their trust in the 1 percent. Then, when the 99 percent have been effectively disenfranchised because they lack the money to participate or are so disillusioned that they do not vote, the 1 percent convince them to doubt the information they receive about the political system and the economy from the media. This way, the 99 percent are less likely to demand change.
Interestingly, the key to both the 1 percent’s scheme and Stiglitz’s plan to save the economy is the US political system. As Stiglitz repeatedly argues, politics shapes the market, which is both the way out of inequality and the way in.