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40 pages 1 hour read

Steve Sheinkin

The Port Chicago 50: Disaster, Mutiny, and the Fight for Civil Rights

Nonfiction | Biography | YA | Published in 2014

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Chapters 15-18Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 15 Summary: “The Verdict”

After Small completes his testimony, Veltmann continues to call each of the fifty accused sailors to the stand, hoping that their divergent stories and defenses will prove there had never been an intentional mutiny plot. A few of the sailors who testify had been excused from loading explosives due to physical issues. John Dunn, who weighed 104 pounds, had been told by a doctor not to load explosives due to his weak build. Similarly, Julius Dixson had been assigned to work only in the mess hall after having dizzy spells. A third sailor, Ollie Green, had broken his wrist, leaving him physically incapable of lifting explosives. In spite of these circumstances, all three of them were charged with mutiny for refusing to load explosives.

As the witnesses finish testifying, Admiral Osterhaus, presiding over the court-martial, asks them if they “have anything further to state” (135). While most witnesses decline, Green describes how the Divisions were racing against each other while loading explosives, with the white officers placing bets on which Division was fastest. Such stories had not previously been raised during the court-martial, and Green’s testimony is subsequently included in numerous newspaper articles, with the Navy denying that such a bet occurred. In his cross-examinations, Coakley tries to coax the sailors into admitting  they had intentionally planned to mutiny, but he fails in these repeated attempts. As a result, Coakley grows frustrated with the sailors and makes increasingly aggressive comments to them. At one point, sailor Alphonso McPherson testifies that Coakley had told him during an interrogation, “Come clean or I’ll see that you get shot” (137). Coakley begins addressing Admiral Osterhaus directly, stammering that he never issued such a threat.

After all of the accused sailors testify, Coakley and Veltmann each make their closing arguments to the court-martial. Coakley reiterates his argument that the sailors had intentionally planned a mutiny after the Port Chicago explosion, with Joe Small as their leader. In Veltmann’s argument, he counters that there is a lack of evidence to match the Navy’s standards for mutiny and that the fears the men held after the explosion were perfectly “natural” and understandable (140). Veltmann further argues that Small had never deliberately sought to undermine the Navy’s authority but, rather, only acted to maintain order and peace amongst his fellow sailors. The admirals deciding the case, however, ultimately side with Coakley’s argument. After deliberating for eighty minutes, they rule that each of the Port Chicago 50 are guilty of mutiny. 

As Thurgood Marshall observes the entire trial, he becomes convinced that the Navy is dramatically failing its black sailors. In Marshall’s view, the fact that only black sailors are ordered to load explosives—and without the proper training—is a clear sign of racial bias. Marshall releases a public statement demanding the Navy open a full investigation, claiming that the Navy is currently covering up racist policies.

Chapter 16 Summary: “Hard Labor”

After several days, the fifty sailors are given their sentences: fifteen years of hard labor to be served at the Naval prison on Terminal Island. The men are paired off in cells, where they are given transcripts of the trial. Looking over the manuscripts only cements the sailors’ belief that the trial had been prejudiced against them. On Terminal Island, the Port Chicago 50 mostly keep to themselves, as they had earned a reputation for toughness from news stories of the trial. The sailors spend their days performing hard labor, from breaking rocks with hammers to creating Naval supplies. 

Thurgood Marshall, convinced that the trial was fraudulent, sets to work trying to appeal the trial’s convictions. News of the trial spreads through black newspapers and a pamphlet published by the NAACP, leading to growing public outrage and petitions demanding the Navy look into the trial. Further stories of racial tensions at US Navy and Army bases around the globe only bolster the military’s image as being racially prejudiced. Marshall writes a letter to Secretary Forrestal, asking for an explanation for the Navy’s policy of segregation. Though Forrestal responds with a defense of the Navy, the controversy surrounding Port Chicago cements Forrestal’s private belief that segregation is a failed policy. Forrestal receives reports that the Navy’s experiments with integrating the crews of several of its ships are successful, and he decides to continue with a policy of integration, even allowing African-Americans to serve as Naval officers. In February 1945, it becomes official policy that “the Navy accepts no theories of racial differences in inborn ability” (148). 

Though Forrestal moves to integrate the Navy, he declines to reduce the sentences of the Port Chicago 50. In April 1945, however, Marshall is allowed to make an appeal of the case to a group of naval officers in Washington, DC. Marshall argues that much of the prosecution’s case is built on inadmissible evidence. In particular, Marshall points to Delucchi’s claims of hearing the sailors use slurs against their officers. Marshall claims that Delucchi’s statements are hearsay, a form of evidence not typically admissible in courts. The officers agree with Marshall and instruct the judges to review the trial but exclude the inadmissible evidence. The admirals, however, decide to convict the Port Chicago 50 a second time. Marshall petitions Forrestal for an in-person meeting, but Forrestal declines, saying that he has looked over the trial transcripts and does not believe anything untoward has occurred.

Chapter 17 Summary: “Small Goes to Sea”

While the Navy makes progress in moving towards desegregation, the Port Chicago 50 remain in prison as mutineers. Lester Granger, a civil rights activist, is tasked by Forrestal with advising the Navy on its attempts to desegregate. Granger strongly urges Forrestal to free the Port Chicago 50, in order to make clear the Navy’s seriousness about tackling racism. Eleanor Roosevelt likewise places pressure on Forrestal to free the Port Chicago 50, sending him a pamphlet about the case created by the NAACP. Still undeterred, Forrestal will not publicly acknowledge that the Port Chicago 50 were unfairly convicted. Instead, he makes plans to secretly commute their sentences and send them to sea, allowing them to serve as sailors.

The convicted sailors are given no warning of Forrestal’s plans. Instead, they awake one morning to be told they are “shippin’ out” (153). The sailors are driven to a port and divided into small groups, each boarding a different ship. The next morning, Joe Small finds that the ship has sailed out to sea and finally understands that he is being allowed to serve. Several days after the convicted sailors return to sea, Forrestal makes an official announcement about the decision. Though the sailors are allowed to serve again, they maintain their status as convicted mutineers. While the sailors are joyous to be out of prison and back at sea, they have difficulty adjusting to their new lives. For many of the white sailors on the ship, it is the first time they have ever seen a black person. One day, Small sits to eat next to a white sailor named Alex, hailing from Alabama. Alex makes a racist joke about how he has never eaten with a black person before, referring to Small with the “n-word” in the process. Small and Alex immediately begin to fight, which lasts until an officer orders them to stop and shake hands. Despite their initial fight, Small and Alex soon become good friends, often going for beers together on their days off.

Chapter 18 Summary: “Epilogue: Civil Rights Heroes”

In the Epilogue, Sheinkin traces the lives of the convicted sailors in the decades after the events at Port Chicago. Though other figures such as Rosa Parks have been canonized as civil rights heroes, the Port Chicago 50 return to their daily lives after the service, and their story is largely forgotten by Americans. Some of the sailors, such as Freddie Meeks, are ashamed to discuss the trial with anyone—even their family members. Each of the convicted sailors receives a discharge “under honorable conditions”, marking them as members of the military who had received a “disciplinary action” (163). Though the sailors receive some veteran benefits with this discharge, they are unable to receive funding from the GI Bill, which would pay for college tuition. 

Many of the sailors and their families attempt to petition the Navy to overturn their convictions as mutineers. In 1989, a professor named Robert Allen publishes a book about the Port Chicago 50, which draws new attention to the case. Some Congress members learn about the case and ask the Navy to consider re-opening it, but the Navy feels too much time has passed since the original trial. Instead, the Navy suggests the sailors ask President Bush for pardons of their crimes. However, many of the sailors do not wish to ask for a pardon, as a pardon does not acknowledge that a person has been unjustly convicted. The sailors and some Congress members continue to ask the Navy to re-open the case, and the Navy ultimately agrees to do so. In its report, the Navy acknowledges the racism of only assigning black sailors the duty of loading explosives. However, the Navy refuses to acknowledge that racial discrimination played a part in the trial and does not overturn the sailors’ convictions. To this day, the sailors remain convicted mutineers.

Chapters 15-18 Analysis

In the Epilogue, Sheinkin provides some insight into his motivations as a historian for writing the story of the Port Chicago 50. Sheinkin begins the epilogue by describing several individuals who have become known as civil rights heroes. These include Jackie Robinson, the first black baseball player in Major League Baseball, and Rosa Parks, who sparked a boycott after she refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery, Alabama bus. Though Parks, similar to the Port Chicago 50, is arrested for her act of civil disobedience, she has since been recognized as a civil rights pioneer, fighting against an unjust and prejudiced society. Conversely, the Port Chicago 50 have never been honored for their resistance and remain mutineers in the eyes of the US government. As Sheinkin notes, there are “no statues of the Port Chicago 50” (162). In writing the book, Sheinkin hopes to right this perceived historical wrong, giving the Port Chicago 50 their place alongside other leaders in the civil rights movement. 

As Sheinkin makes clear in his history, the events at Port Chicago were not an isolated incident. Instead, Sheinkin describes how the Port Chicago 50 are both symptomatic of their historical moment and major players in pushing the US military towards change. Though Sheinkin focuses the majority of his book on retelling the events of Port Chicago from the point-of-view of the sailors, he is able to draw connections to larger historical trends by occasionally zooming out and describing historical events happening throughout America contemporaneously to Port Chicago. Though the Port Chicago 50 have never been recognized, Sheinkin argues that their bravery led the way for desegregation within the US military. It is the Port Chicago 50 that helps to convince Secretary of the Navy Forrestal to move toward desegregating crews on ships at sea. After this experiment is successful, Forrestal advances complete desegregation within the Navy in February 1946, making it the first branch of the US military to desegregate. In 1948, the remaining military branches follow the Navy’s example when President Truman issues an Executive Order commanding full equality in the U.S. armed forces, regardless of “race, color, religion or national origin” (155). Thus, though the Port Chicago 50 may have been forgotten, their act of civil disobedience is a crucial step in pushing the US military towards racial equality.

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