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37 pages 1 hour read

Valeria Luiselli

Tell Me How It Ends

Nonfiction | Essay Collection | Adult | Published in 2017

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Chapter 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Home”

Luiselli’s daughter asks her how the stories end, and Luiselli usually answers that she doesn’t know yet. One story, in particular, fascinates her daughter, that of two young girls that Luiselli interviews. The girls’ mother left them with their grandmother and made the journey to Long Island. Five years later, the mother called and gave her grandmother instructions to send the girls along. The grandmother sews a phone number into the girls’ clothing, telling them to never remove the garments, and eventually, they are reunited with their mother. To Luiselli’s daughter, that’s how the story ends, but Luiselli knows that the next step is coming: the Notice to Appear.

Children who fail to follow the notice are deported in absentia; otherwise, they must answer a series of questions. Tellingly, they are only able to find legal pathways to citizenship if they first admit to the charge of entering illegally; “the admission of guilt, then, is a kind of door that the law holds half open” (59). Two kinds of relief, asylum and special immigrant juvenile status, are available to most migrant children in some way if the case can be properly argued, as they are often fleeing either persecution or violence at home. Luiselli documents the strange logic that creates in the questionnaire; “correct” answers are the ones that demonstrate tremendous trauma, which opens up pathways to relief from deportation. As Luiselli interviews children, she notices that sometimes she records answers in the first person and sometimes in the third.

The questionnaire can confuse young children, so Luiselli breaks the questions down to arrive at answers. Working through the questions with the young girls in her example, she realizes that their home life in Guatemala does not provide sufficient legal cause for protection, and she knows how impossible it is for such young girls to advocate for themselves in the legal system. Luiselli returns to her daughter’s question and admits she doesn’t know how this story ends.

Luiselli and her niece become frustrated by the number of cases and the narrow pathways for migrant children to stay in the country. Her niece tells her that she’s decided to major in law; their volunteer work has shown that lawyers are desperately needed and that if an immigration case is taken by a lawyer, the chances for relief are greatly improved. Since the immigration court is a civil court, the children are not entitled to free representation, and most cases end up in deportation as a result. While trying to find the right phrasing to help a boy whose brother was killed by gang members, Luiselli sees how hopeless the situation is for most.

Luiselli returns to the first boy she interviewed, a story that has stuck with her throughout her volunteer work. Manu is a 16-year-old from Honduras. He is initially reluctant to speak with her until she reassures him that she doesn’t have any authority over him and isn’t even technically an American. He reluctantly tells her of living with his grandmother, who died recently, and two cousins who also fled to the United States. The reason becomes clear as the interview proceeds. Manu was caught between MS-13, which was trying to recruit him, and Barrio 18. The latter gang cornered Manu and a friend and fired on them, killing the friend. The police did not help, and Manu called his aunt, who helped him flee the country. Manu tells Luiselli that he did not attend his friend’s funeral out of fear for his life. Manu’s aunt pays a coyote $4,000 for his transport, then is forced to pay $3,000 for each of her daughters (Manu’s cousins) after Barrio 18 begins to threaten them once Manu is gone.

In response to the migrant crisis, the Mexican government has instituted a policy called Programa Frontera Sur. It claims to protect the safety and rights of migrants, but Luiselli contends that the program uses surveillance and security measures to capture and deport migrants, ensuring that they go back to unsafe situations. As a result, travel on La Bestia has become more dangerous, and migrants sometimes use more dangerous alternate routes. Luiselli sees this as merely shifting the focus of border control from the Rio Grande to the Mexico-Guatemala border, repeating a familiar pattern of Mexico being “paid to do the dirty work” (79).

Luiselli returns to Manu’s case; a law firm has taken his case pro bono, thanks partly to the police report he carries. Luiselli is pleased to continue translating for him, but she learns that he wants to leave the high school he attends on Long Island. Both Barrio 18 and MS-13 have a presence at his school, and he is beaten by Barrio 18 members so badly that he loses his front teeth. Now that his cousins have arrived in the United States, he worries about his need to protect them. Luiselli notes the clear line between Tegucigalpa, Honduras, and Hempstead, Long Island, which she knows Americans do not want to admit. She recalls a 2014 New York Times piece that painted South American countries as poor, violent places and the migrant children as dangerous. What she saw in that article is what she often sees: that the problems migrant children face are depicted as the problems of their countries of origin, not “deeply embedded in our shared hemispheric history […] [and], in fact, a transnational problem that includes the United States” (85). She sees an acknowledgment of the true scale of the gang and drug trade as a necessity for any attempt to truly address or understand the situation.

Manu’s comment that his new home of Hempstead is almost as bad as Tegucigalpa leads Luiselli to research and discover the town’s history as a place of gang violence (and gangster rap); though she admits that the Barrio 18 in Tegucigalpa would have done worse than beat him up, she can’t help but wonder why he ended up back in the same situation.

While speaking with Alina, Manu’s aunt, she thinks of the final questions on her questionnaire, which have to do with what the migrant thinks would happen if they returned to their home country. Alina reveals that she has gone into considerable debt to get Manu and her daughters to the US; since one daughter was 19, they had to pay an additional $7,500 to get her released from detention. Luiselli sees that the hardship, danger, and cost of these journeys only became an option because of the inevitable violence the children would face at home. To Luiselli, the migrant children are war refugees.

Chapter 3 Analysis

Luiselli’s desire to provide answers to her daughter and to properly narrativize the stories of the undocumented migrant children she interviews come from a similar impulse: the need to make sense of the harrowing stories that the children face and put it in the context of the reality that for many, the looming threat of deportation means that the risk was for nothing. The way the court system works creates many impossible choices for the children, beginning with the fact that they must admit to what the courts see as criminal behavior to apply for relief. After that, they must prove that they have suffered enough to satisfy the legal definition of special immigrant status or asylum, which puts a chilling subtext on the work that Luiselli does. When she is interviewing children, the correct answer to her question will be the one that reveals the horrors that the children have faced, and so she is put in the awful position of looking for and documenting their trauma. If a child does not have a compelling story, they are unlikely to find pro bono representation—the overall lack of volunteer lawyers means that each individual lawyer is trying to maximize their impact and has to take the most obvious, winnable cases even though most of these children meet the legal requirements.

Luiselli’s work represents a universal struggle—the need for empathy in times of crisis. For her, the solution to this problem lies in narrativizing the tragedy. In her volunteer work, she tries to turn the disjointed, unclear answers that she receives from children who are often so young that they have never been asked to have responsibility for the facts of their lives into something resembling a coherent story that can be easily digested and argued in court. Her example of the two young girls shows the scope of this problem. How can someone who cannot remember a phone number craft a compelling narrative for themselves?

Luiselli realizes that Manu is one of the lucky ones because he has legal proof of the danger he faced at home. He has suffered enough to meet the legal definition of special immigrant juvenile status, and he can prove it. The bitter irony is that his pathway to being protected by the system comes only because he has proof of the system’s failures. One undercurrent of Manu’s story is how easily he could have become a part of the violence that he was fleeing—MS-13 was actively recruiting him, and it is easy to imagine a situation in which he turned to them for safety instead of fleeing. Luiselli is careful to show that the violence that Manu faced stems from a cycle that has decades-old, transnational roots and a long history of institutional failures to address the problem. The strategy of Programa Frontera Sur—shunting the problem onto another nation instead of trying to solve it—is not a recent development in the history of immigration policy and drug policy in the United States. Meanwhile, the same gangs that harassed Manu in Tegucigalpa are thriving in New York State. Luiselli sees the failure to look at the true scope of the problem as the chief barrier to addressing it. In her view, Americans see the child migrant crisis as one that is arriving in the United States instead of one that originated there, a worldview that permits Americans to view the situation without empathy or complicity. At the end of this chapter, she advocates for the undocumented child migrants as war refugees, victims of gang warfare brought on by the harm of the international drug trade.

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