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Daniel GolemanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The opening anecdote refers to the famous “Good Samaritan” psychological study at Princeton Theological Seminary. Twenty seminarians were assigned to write and deliver a sermon on the parable of the Good Samaritan, from the Gospel of Luke, while another 20 were assigned random biblical topics. One by one, the seminarians were allowed to leave the hall and head to where they thought they would be giving their sermon. Some were told they had plenty of time, while others were told they were late and had to hurry. Along the way, each encountered a planted actor, sitting in a doorway along the street, groaning in evident pain. More than half of the students passed right by the “injured” man, and the seminarians assigned the parable of the Good Samaritan were no more likely to stop and emulate that character than the others. Crucially, the factor that most consistently predicted whether a seminarian would stop to help was whether they thought they had time.
Goleman then introduces the concept of “urban trance,” or the phenomenon of people paying less attention and not noticing others when surrounded by a crowd. As an example, he describes an experience of his own, in which he encountered an apparently unhoused man sprawled out on the stairs of a subway station, seemingly unconscious. People skirted around and stepped over him. However, once Goleman stopped to see if the man was all right, several other people stopped as well to offer the man assistance, snapped out of their urban trance.
He underlines the instinctive altruism of humankind by describing a study in which infants, when played a recording of another baby crying, immediately showed signs of distress. However, when played a recording of their own crying, they rarely showed the same upset.
Through subsequent anecdotes, Goleman asserts the overwhelming altruistic impulses of the human race.
Goleman then poses a thought experiment: Instead of focusing on the bad things some people do sometimes, he instructs readers to consider the many times, every day, that each individual has an opportunity to commit “an antisocial act” and chooses not to (62). He argues that the ratio of enacted to potential cruelty is close to zero.
The opening anecdote relates a couple remembering their first kiss. They both felt mysteriously propelled toward one another, neither feeling that they initiated it. Goleman introduces a new neural system, the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC), positioned right behind the eyeballs, directly between the cortex (the “high road”), the amygdala (the “low road”), and the brain stem (the “lizard brain” that creates automatic response). This positioning means the OFC is capable of coordinating thought, feeling, and action almost instantaneously. Through interpreting the small movements of the eyes, face, and body and synchronizing mirror neurons and oscillators, it follows that both participants in the kiss would have felt a smooth coordination and shared spontaneity of action.
The second anecdote shares a professor’s decision to hire an assistant, the sole person he would spend his entire working day alongside. He recalls the decision not as a conscious, deliberative process, but as a split-second intuition: As he walked into the waiting room to call her in for her interview, he instantly felt his “physiology settle down” and knew from his body’s reaction that she was the right choice (65).
A third anecdote directly follows: In a university study, students spent around five minutes getting to know another student who was a stranger. At the end of that interaction, each student was asked to rate the likelihood of themselves and the other becoming friends. Nine weeks later, their predictions after just five minutes proved accurate.
Goleman introduces a new set of neural circuits known as “spindle cells.” Spindle cells are four times longer than other neurons and can thus communicate much faster. Spindle cells specifically connect the OFC to the limbic system, creating a “neural command center.”
Goleman describes an experiment in which two strangers (one of whom is an actor) are given $10 and instructed to split the money any way they can both agree on. The actor offers the stranger $2, final offer, keeping $8 for themselves. Most people, though offered the chance to be $2 richer than before, which is a net gain, still react with indignation. In fact, people often were willing to forfeit all money if that meant the perceived greedy stranger also received nothing. The experiment demonstrates the complex interaction between the “low road” and the “high road,” as human beings, in reaction to perceived injustice, form a long-game strategy to punish that unfairness, even foregoing reward to maintain a sense of parity in social interaction.
The opening anecdote tells the story of a 12-year-old boy confronted by a taunting classmate on the way to the soccer field. The boy calmly redirects the taunts and in fact gives his bully a compliment on his own soccer skills. The bully, surprised, reacts with a friendlier tone and offers to teach him some plays.
Goleman then quotes Richard Davidson, Neuroscience Lab Director at the University of Wisconsin, who says that “all emotions are social” (83). Goleman points out, though, that while emotions happen internally within one mind, social interactions provide new opportunities and risks as they happen. Goleman states that social intelligence has two parts: social awareness and social facility. Social awareness is itself comprised of four traits: primal empathy, attunement, empathic accuracy, and social cognition. Social facility depends on four attributes as well: synchrony, self-presentation, influence, and concern.
Primal empathy and synchrony, both “low road” operations, involve split-second emotional judgments, based on nonverbal cues, that determine whether we see another person as trustworthy or dangerous and that allow us to build rapport by synchronizing our body language with that of others.
Empathic accuracy and influence both mix “high” and “low” road capacities to gauge someone’s emotions correctly and then respond appropriately to shape the outcome of the interaction.
Attunement and concern both require sustained, full attention that prioritizes the receiver of that attention.
Social cognition and self-presentation, finally, also operate as “high road” capacities. Social cognition is a person’s conscious knowledge of how the social world works, while self-presentation is composed of the outward signs of that knowledge.
Through anecdote, Goleman points out that a necessary aspect of altruism is paying attention. When one person pays attention to another’s distress, other people in the vicinity also start to pay attention. This spreading of attention and empathy from person to person is a key positive example of one of Goleman’s major themes: Emotional Contagion as the Basis of Human Interaction. The action of another person allows them to “mirror” their attention and lend their assistance.
Goleman emphasizes the ways in which the human brain is hardwired for altruism and concern from infancy. Toddlers, when hearing sounds of distress, automatically get up and try to help. Even nonhuman social animals seem hardwired for altruism: Lab rats and rhesus monkeys all display remarkable social altruism, forgoing reward and even braving danger to help a fellow creature in obvious distress.
In making the case that human brains are hardwired for altruism, empathy, and bonding, Goleman cannot ignore the range of human behaviors that seemingly contradict this thesis. A key pattern emerges here: The same mental processes that allow for empathy and altruism can also lead to cruelty, manipulation, and even violence. The social cognition that allows one person to understand another’s emotions can also allow them to exploit those emotions. Bonding among groups of people often comes at the expense of those considered outsiders to the group. In later chapters, Goleman will engage in a deep exploration of The Modern Science of Social Pathology. Since the focus of this section is primarily on positive forms of interaction, here Goleman simply offers a thought experiment, suggesting that the reader consider how many times in any given day each person has the chance to do something antisocial and chooses not to. As a species, we are much less evil than we could be, and for Goleman, this is evidence of our fundamental goodness.
Considering The Neurobiology of Relationship Dynamics, Goleman examines the function of the OFC in gauging other people’s behavior and body language. Using the example of a couple engaging in their first kiss, he explains that the long, loving gazes that couples share are a “necessary neural prelude” to their kiss since eye-to-eye contact engages the OFC (63). The OFC operates as a swiftly communicating middleman, allowing our “low” and “high” roads to interact, marrying emotional response to complex social action.
The anecdote about the young soccer player operates as a simple example of social intelligence at work. The soccer player’s swift analysis of the situation allows him to redirect his bully and even gain him as an ally by showing positive emotion, which the bully then mirrors. An example of Social Contagion as the Basis of Human Interaction, this action would also have been facilitated by the rapid communications of the OFC. Social intelligence, Goleman argues, is as much about quick appropriate reaction as it is internal observation.
As Goleman lays out the different parts of our complex social intelligence, he differentiates “high” and “low” road parts of our neurobiology. This basic division of neural processes informs the rest of the book, as Goleman explains how instinct and cognition work in tandem to produce the experience we call consciousness.
By Daniel Goleman
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