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48 pages 1 hour read

Tracy Kidder

Rough Sleepers: Dr. Jim O'Connell’s Urgent Mission to Bring Healing to Homeless People

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2023

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Part 4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 4, Chapter 1 Summary

Kidder describes Jim’s life and character in more detail, including his gentle and kind nature that rarely—if ever—erupts. He does recount one instance where a patient gets physically aggressive with a nurse, Suzanne Armstrong, and Jim yells at him to stop. Kidder then explains that Jim’s father, a WWII veteran, never graduated high school and spent years stocking shelves at a liquor store. Jim’s mother struggled with mental illness and, after her sixth child, required extended hospitalization, which strained his family and kept her away from her children—which she certainly didn’t want, Kidder writes. Jim’s background informs his work in the Health Care for the Homeless Program, which continues to grow.

Part 4, Chapter 2 Summary

As medicine becomes increasingly competitive, privatized, and corporate, the Health Care for the Homeless Program grows with more freedom, as it’s not beholden to rigorous standards in the same way as standardized business models. This means that the team is free to spend time with their patients, getting to know them even if they aren’t receiving treatment. Harrison, for example, won’t let Jim check his vitals—but Jim is able to see when Harrison’s health begins to fail. Jim refers to this kind of exploratory medicine as “upside-down medicine” (91).

After the grant funding runs out, the program moves to Medicaid funding—which requires Jim’s team to learn the complex requirements necessary to receive funding. Once Jim hires Linda Brown, she is able to navigate the requirements, and the program continues to expand. This expansion doesn’t come without criticism, however—many people feel their tax dollars are being spent on people who don’t give back to society. To Kidder, and anyone on the Street Team, the benefits seem quite obvious. Kidder argues that the program actually lessens the burden on health care systems and, in the long run, saves money.

Because of Medicaid, the program is still thriving by 1995. However, Medicaid begins demanding the same kind of productivity expected from medical institutions around the country, which threatens the way the program practices medicine. The program isn’t impacted negatively by these changes in part due to Bruce Bullen, the Medicaid director, and because they hire a clinical psychologist named Bob Taube as executive director. In the end, however, Jim feels that medicine and efficiency aren’t conducive to a truly successful practice.

Part 4, Chapter 3 Summary

As the Health Care for the Homeless Program grows, Kidder describes the still staggering rates at which rough sleepers die. In 2005, the Street Team considers another solution: housing vouchers given to the program through an initiative called “Housing First.” Jim and his team begin prescribing these vouchers to patients who’d been with them the longest in the hopes that they will experience the same rates of success as those in “Housing First” had. Kidder writes that, after five years, 88% of the people who participated in the program remained housed (101).

The Street Team doesn’t have access to the same kinds of resources as Housing First. Additionally, transitioning from living on the streets to living in a home is sometimes a rough change, and many people struggle to adapt. Kidder writes, “People who had adapted to the exigencies of street life had no idea how to fill their time indoors,” and he describes a man who pitches a tent in his living room (102). The results aren’t always what the Street Team hoped. Kidder writes that “over ten years, seventy-three different people had used the twenty-four vouchers, 45 percent had died, and only 12 percent of the survivors had remained housed” (103). However, there are still people that thrive after receiving housing.

Part 4, Chapter 4 Summary

Barbara McInnis, Jim’s teacher and long-time friend, dies from complications in surgery following an accident in 2003—but the impact she’s made in Boston continues to reverberate across the medical and unhoused communities. A new building for the Health Care for the Homeless Program’s headquarters and another respite hospital, named for Barbara, is built as the program grows—called “Seven-Eighty” by its patients and the medical team.

When Kidder visits Seven-Eighty with Jim in 2017, the narcotics epidemic visibly alters the scene. Kidder describes used needles littering the ground with people using, selling, and overdosing everywhere on the block. Kidder includes a description of harm reduction therapy, where users can safely detox or come down from the drugs they’ve ingested.

Part 4, Chapter 5 Summary

By 2017, Jim is married to his previous assistant, Jill, and they have a daughter named Gabriella. Kidder details Jim’s life now that the Health Care for the Homeless Program has expanded—he devotes much of his time to the Street Team, riding in the van on Monday nights and working in the Street Clinic on Thursdays. What started as a small, grassroots clinic has—by 2017—turned into “the country’s largest medical system wholly devoted to the care of homeless people” (114). Though Jim tells Kidder he feels redundant, Kidder writes that Jim remains an integral part of the program.

Part 4 Analysis

Kidder frames Jim as “saintly,” both in his own words and the words of others. Jim doesn’t engage in his work for ego and feels lucky that he’s able to serve. His peers and patients also believe him to be saintly, yet Barbara McInnis’s words often resound in his head—he is not God. Jim, modeling himself after Barbara, has built a life of service that won’t change the statistics of houselessness in his lifetime—but the impact he and his team make is still sizable. Kidder—through other characters in the narrative and sometimes through his own opinion—conflates this with a kind of divine intervention or saintly nature. A potential critique is that this kind of analogy is problematic. Saintliness requires those less holy to position the “saint” against, a complicated comparison in a narrative that seeks to humanize a frequently dehumanized population.

Kidder also analyzes the bureaucratic tangles that make housing complicated and contribute to the problem of houselessness. For example, when the Health Care for the Homeless Program is grant funded, they have much more liberty to practice medicine and explore methods of treatment that will best serve their patients. However, once they receive funding from Medicaid, regulations make this more complex, despite doubling their allotted budget. The narrative suggests that policies and regulations create barriers, forcing practitioners to account for efficiency and productivity. Jim feels that medicine should be about healing people, not about efficiency or money.

When Kidder walks with Jim to Seven Eighty in 2017, he describes the ever-increasing opioid epidemic and the federal and state policies and negligence that impact the unhoused population and medical community. He suggests that regulations, such as the US’s war on drugs, can be harmful. Kidder describes the ways methadone is regulated and how it’s used only in specified clinics instead of doctors’ offices. This reveals how regulations can increase, rather than alleviate, problems like substance abuse and the communicable diseases and crimes that sometimes accompany it.

Harm reduction methods like SPOT—the Supportive Place for Observation and Treatment—contrast with negative regulations. Methods like SPOT aren’t as invasive nor as punitive. Kidder and Jim suggest that they can operate against complicated and unsafe methods like “Methadone Mile.”

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