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47 pages 1 hour read

Philippe Bourgois, Jeffrey Schonberg

Righteous Dopefiend

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2008

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Themes

Politically and Institutionally Structured Violence

Content Warning: Both the source material and this guide contain discussions of homelessness, drug and alcohol addiction, domestic violence and child abuse, racism, and anti-gay bias.

Bourgois and Schonberg aim not only to document the intimate lives of Edgewater’s unhoused communities but also to show how those lives are shaped by political and social forces that limit their choices and opportunities. The anthropologists borrow Karl Marx’s term lumpen to describe the social position occupied by these communities: They are people who have been left behind by a shifting economy—people whose limited economic utility leads the system to treat them as disposable.

In their work, Bourgois and Schonberg make the assumption, which mainstream society treats as radical, that Edgewater residents are rational actors making reasonable decisions based on their situations. The residents’ understanding of the world is shaped by the systems and institutions they know: The deindustrialization of the US economy has deprived them of jobs, gentrification has driven them out of stable communities and eliminated affordable housing, and neoliberal policies have privileged the free market over the welfare of marginalized communities. The anthropologists suspend their moral judgment of actions that may be considered immoral in a normative framework—such as stealing or physically harming other people—to understand the worldview and circumstances within which these actions represent reasonable choices.

The book depicts several escalating levels of violence. First, there is the violence that individuals inflict upon themselves through the act of injecting drugs into their bodies. This can lead to health issues such as Hepatitis C, HIV and AIDS, abscesses, collapsed veins, and the degradation of internal organs, such as the severe liver damage that lands Petey in the hospital for extended periods of time.

The second level is interpersonal violence—the muggings that take place as a result of the struggle for more heroin or crack, or the use of physical force to assert power in familial dynamics. Often, men in these families act out patriarchal power by physically harming the children and women in their lives. The book asserts that this is meaningful for men whom society deems as inferior to other men because of their socioeconomic status or race/ethnicity. This connects to Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence, the mechanisms in a society that lead people to “misrecognize” inequality as simply the natural order of things rather than socially constructed. Bourgois and Schonberg argue that their interlocutors fall into writer and Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi’s concept of the Grey Zone, where people are put in such compromising conditions (such as at a concentration camp) that it is not right to morally judge their actions. In fact, the ethnographers state that “condemning the actions of powerless victims collude with and exonerates those who are directly responsible for creating gray zones (Levi 1988, 1996)” (350).

The third level of violence is institutional. Law enforcement is the institutional arm that most commonly interacts with the people living on Edgewater Boulevard. The police constantly confiscate basic necessities, such as clothes and blankets, and destroy the shelters the Edgewater population depends upon as protection from the elements. The precarious stability the Edgewater population achieves at the beginning of the book in a relatively long-term encampment is completely upended when the government of California focuses policy on criminalizing homelessness. A concrete example of high-level, structural violence trickling down into the everyday lived experience of the Edgewater population comes in Chapter 7, when due to the inability to settle anywhere long-term, interlocutors have much less access to social services that provide clean needles and check-ins for health concerns. This leads to more dangerous needle practices and increasingly acute health concerns that land interlocutors in the county hospital, costing taxpayers dearly, even as many of their issues could have been prevented had harm reduction practices been deemed morally acceptable by government officials and policymakers.

Bourgois and Schonberg describe globalized neoliberalism as the broadest level of violence enacted upon the Edgewater population. This socioeconomic paradigm underpins government policies that privatize services and shunt public funding away from social services and public health initiatives while placing blame on individual actors for their moral shortcomings. Philosopher Michel Foucault explores this paradigm through his concept of biopower: Governments exert power over their citizens through internalized messaging on what health means and what a good body is. In the case of neoliberalism, a non-addicted body that works, contributes to the economy, and doesn’t draw on societal resources like Medicaid is considered a good body. Conversely, the bodies of unhoused people, addicted people, and/or people in poverty who are unable to stay healthy due to poor working conditions or lack of capital are considered immoral and not deserving of help. This paradigm results in political actors like President Ronald Reagan severely cutting funding to services that provide support to these communities, while people who interact with marginalized populations treat them as social pariahs who merit their current conditions due to their immoral personal choices.

The Racialization of Poverty, Homelessness, and Addiction

As Bourgois and Schonberg turn a critical lens on the ethnic and racial underpinnings of poverty, homelessness, and drug addiction, they connect the racial segregation among the Edgewater population to Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence—the idea that society leads people to view inequality as simply the natural order of things rather than as socially constructed. This helps explain the racial groupings in the Edgewater population. Even the physical embodiment of intravenous drug use differs between white and Black interlocutors. White residents are more likely to engage in “skin-popping,” or injecting directly into fatty tissue once veins have too much scarring, which means that the white members of the Edgewater population get abscesses—potentially life-threatening deep-tissue infections—much more often. Black interlocutors, meanwhile, are more likely to search for viable veins, leading to increased risk of fatal overdose and Hepatitis C or HIV infections due to blood-to-blood contact when syringes are shared.

Familial structure and cultural expectations or pressures also differ based on race and/or ethnicity. Social bonds are stronger for Black interlocutors: Bourgois and Schonberg realize that white interlocutors are much less likely to have any contact with their families than Black interlocutors. Conversely, economic discrimination affects Black interlocutors more: White interlocutors are more likely to have luck panhandling, or begging, for money on the street, with discrimination driving Black interlocutors away from the possibility of making money safely. Moreover, when occasional legal employment opportunities arise in the Edgewater area, white interlocutors are almost always first to be offered employment. These structural barriers to economic mobility make it even harder for Black interlocutors to escape the cycles of poverty and addiction in which they have become trapped. 

The lack of safe or legal income available to Black interlocutors causes them to rely more heavily on illegal income, which means they are more likely to celebrate the “outlaw” persona. Bourgois and Schonberg frame this cultural valorization of criminality as an effort to claim personal agency within social structures that have deprived these individuals of choice. At many points throughout the book, Bourgois and Schonberg observe that their interlocutors will accept great hardship and risk to avoid feeling powerless. It feels better to act as though one has had the agency to choose a way of living than accept that one is simply falling back on the few options available. This celebration of the “outlaw” is established early in life, as the anthropologists learned that among their interlocutors, “poor African-American boys were being formed into professional outlaws before they began to use drugs, whereas poor whites embarked on criminal careers later in life, after their drug use had spun out of control” (146). This pattern arises from discrimination against Black Americans at every level. The additional layer of intergenerational trauma arising from slavery and the Jim Crow era may contribute to the Black interlocutors being more sensitive to the exploitative nature of some of the local employers and less likely to put up with what they consider to be degrading ways of making income, such as panhandling.

Gender and Sexuality in Poverty, Homelessness, and Addiction

Bourgois and Schonberg engage with only two women interlocutors, Tina and Nickie, who note that the streets are more dangerous for women to navigate, as they face the added risk of gender-based violence. Tina engages in sex work, leveraging her female body as a commodity that allows her to make money and maintain her independence on the streets. This mode of living causes some friction when she enters a relationship with Carter, who wants her to be monogamous. Tina’s history of physical and sexual abuse in an economically unstable family in the projects, coupled with exposure to sex work at a young age, makes the behaviors she used to survive homelessness and drug addiction reasonable: “[M]eshing love and violence and taking refuge in a sense of individual autonomy defined through drug use, Tina had consolidated a habitus that was effective for survival on the street as an addict” (138). Drug use practices also call into play gender roles and norms: In heterosexual partnerships, Bourgois and Schonberg note that the male partner typically shoots up the female one in an act of “ritual subordination.” A similar dynamic occurs in homosocial relationships between male running partners like Petey and Hank—with one partner assuming the traditionally masculine role by administering injections to the other. Men in heterosexual partnerships at Edgewater insist on maintaining traditional gender roles within the limited domesticity they experience: Though Tina was happiest “hitting licks” alongside Carter rather than waiting for him to return with drugs, the idea that only the male partner should go out to earn a living influenced his idea of their relationship.

Despite the explicitly anti-gay attitudes prevalent in the Edgewater community, many men engage in deeply intimate, closely bonded relationships with other men. While these relationships are not necessarily sexual, they often bear all the hallmarks—from an outsider’s perspective—of a romantic relationship. The relationship between Hank and Petey—in which Hank takes Petey under his wing, shares a living space with him, and chivalrously protects him from anyone who might threaten him—is an example of this homosocial dynamic. This flexible understanding of sexuality reflects lumpen subjectivity: “[L]umpenized populations would have more transgressive ways of being in the world than normatively disciplined citizens for whom biopower is generally productive and rewarding” (239). That is to say, internalized messages of biopower are weaker among the most marginalized groups, such as the Edgewater Boulevard population. The notion of distinct “gay” and “straight” orientations is in fact a quite recent development in Western societies, so it makes sense to Bourgois and Schonberg that a population living on the fringes of society would not have fully internalized this messaging. Societal messages do not reach them the same way those messages reach those who are more fully integrated into the cultural and economic mainstream.

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