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Azar NafisiA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In Part 2, Nafisi recalls her life in the years before the Iranian Revolution. She describes her upbringing as privileged, with a long lineage full of distinguished forebears “known for their contributions to literature and science” in Iran (84). As a child, she is educated at private schools in England and Switzerland; as a university student, she studies at the University of Oklahoma, where she finds herself attracted to left-wing revolutionary ideologies. Nafisi depicts herself as something of an outsider in her revolutionary circles, claiming that she “tried to reconcile [her] revolutionary aspirations” with the “lifestyle” she favors by nature, including dressing in a traditionally feminine way and “refus[ing] to cut [her] hair” (85).
She writes that she continued to read “counterrevolutionary writers—T. S. Eliot, Austen, Plath, Nabokov, Fitzgerald” (85-86). She claims that while her revolutionary activities gave her “an ideological framework” for channeling her passions, she “felt alienated from the movement itself” (86).
Nafisi recalls her teaching days in the wake of the Iranian Revolution at the University of Tehran. She describes the political atmosphere on campus as heated, with “a turf war going on between different political groups” (89), especially between the hardline Islamic revolutionaries and their more moderate or secular counterparts. The regime’s increasing intolerance for dissent and ambiguity begins to filter down into Iranian academia and culture, with foreign books becoming harder to find and buy and with some of her students becoming uncomfortable with texts that challenge their points of view. The tensions within the classroom reach a peak when some of the Islamic revolutionary students object to The Great Gatsby, which they believe promotes lax morality due to themes like adultery and excessive consumerism. In response to these objections, Nafisi and her students host a mock “trial” in which Nafisi pretends to be the novel, Nassrin, a female student, is her defense lawyer, and Mr. Nyazi, a male student, undertakes the prosecution.
During the trial, Mr. Nyazi argues that in Iran, writers “play the same role as […] faithful soldiers” in promoting the “correct” Islamic ideology desired by the regime (125). He describes the regime as “purgin[g] the country of decadent Western culture” and objects to The Great Gatsby for “preach[ing] illicit relations between a man and woman” (125, 126). In response, both Nassrin and Nafisi argue that novels must be allowed to function apart from official ideological control by exploring ideas and experiences freely. Nassrin argues that The Great Gatsby “shakes us out of our stupor and makes us confront the absolutes we believe in” (129). She adds that the novel does not necessarily celebrate wealth or adultery, but “judge[s] [characters] in terms of their honesty” while exposing the dangers of materialism and affairs (130).
Nafisi, speaking as the novel, defends both it and literature in general on the grounds that literary texts are ultimately rooted in “empathy” (132): They display many different points of view and invite the reader to think critically about important issues. As Nafisi states: “You don’t read Gatsby […] to learn whether adultery is good or bad but to learn about how complicated issues such as adultery and marriage and fidelity are” (133). Although there is “no formal verdict cast” at the end of the mock trial, Nafisi is pleased to see her students arguing animatedly even after class has ended (136).
Throughout Part 2, Nafisi reflects on how The Great Gatsby embodies the dangers of pursuing dreams and trying to make them a reality. She compares the tragedy of Gatsby’s character to the plight of the Iranians, describing their revolutionary ambitions as “this terrible, beautiful dream, impossible in its actualization, for which any amount of violence might be justified or forgiven” (144). Nafisi describes her own growing political disillusionment as the regime becomes more violent and repressive and as the students stage protests in vain. She begins to feel deeply alienated from the political activities taking place around her, writing: “I felt tired and frightened […] I was scared of some lack, as if the future were receding from me” (149).
Throughout Part 2, Nafisi wrestles with two key, intertwined issues: the dangers of turning dreams into reality, and the moral issue of culpability. Nafisi chooses The Great Gatsby as her framing text because it is the subject of her students’ mock trial about literature’s true purpose, and because she believes that Gatsby’s tragedy lies in having tried (and failed) to recapture a past and make a dream into something real.
Nafisi begins by acknowledging her own revolutionary activities as a foreign student in the United States in the 1970s. Her decision to open Part 2 of the memoir with these recollections helps to frame the broader discussion about dreams and moral culpability that will become prominent again by the close of the section. Nafisi depicts herself as naive while a student, and as someone who longs for change in Iran but does not realize how out-of-control things can become once put into motion. Nafisi describes her horror at the violent political repressions she witnesses upon her return to Iran. She links them to the ideas and slogans she and other students had promoted so thoughtlessly before: “When in the States we had shouted Death to this or that, those deaths seemed to be more symbolic, more abstract […] But in Tehran in 1979, these slogans were turning into reality with macabre precision” (97).
As the situation in Iran deteriorates and Nafisi hears of arrests, torture, forced confessions, and executions, she realizes that too much idealism can have inhumane consequences. When she witnesses the fervor of her students, she feels an uncomfortable sense of déjà vu, realizing that they, too, do not understand the full implications of what they are agitating for: “I had a funny feeling that I was talking to a younger version of myself, and the gleam I saw in that familiar stranger’s face frightened me” (113).
In seeing her younger self in the faces of her students, Nafisi suggests that she may have a degree of moral culpability in what has taken place in Iran. While she never aligned herself with the fundamentalist Islamic movement, her embrace of revolutionary change and promotion of harsh political ideologies has borne bitter fruit. In an atmosphere of strong campus tensions and increasing academic suppression by the regime, she speaks of “the university, which, like Iran, we had all had a hand in destroying” (147). Nafisi is suggesting that totalitarian states are not created from the top-down. Rather, they are created with the complicity, witting or unwitting, of the wider population—the “we” of ordinary Iranians who have enabled their country’s destruction.
The mock trial of The Great Gatsby expands upon some of the ideological debates around literature introduced in Part 1 of the memoir. Mr. Nyazi embodies the regime’s official stance toward literature in general: “[T]he Islamic Revolutionaries seemed to believe that writers were the guardians of morality” (136). Mr. Nyazi is uncomfortable with ambiguity: He argues that literature has the task of explicitly instructing people in the right forms of behavior and combating the “decadence” of foreign, Western culture.
In arguing that great literature shouldn’t be confined to ideology, but be centered upon “empathy,” Nafisi’s counterargument presents literature as an antidote to the totalitarian worldview: “A good novel […] is called democratic—not that it advocates democracy but that by nature it is so” (132). In crediting literature with being democratic “by nature,” Nafisi argues that literature has the power to challenge totalitarianism by fostering free thought and exposing readers to multiple points of view. As in Part 1, Nafisi embraces literature as a meaningful site of resistance to the ideological control of the Islamic regime.
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