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51 pages 1 hour read

Timothy B. Tyson

Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1999

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Chapters 4-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “The Kissing Case”

In this chapter, Tyson explores two miscarriages of justice that took place in North Carolina in 1957 and 1958. The first involves Perry. The night after the successful thwarting of the KKK, police arrived at Perry’s home to arrest him for performing an illegal abortion on a 25-year-old white woman named Lilly Mae Rape. Perry staunchly denied performing the abortion, believing that he was being targeted because of his status as vice president of the Monroe NAACP chapter. He was taken to the Monroe jailhouse and held on a $7,500 bail. Upon hearing of his arrest, a group of Monroe’s Black women stormed the jail with guns and kitchen knives demanding that he be released from his cell. J. Ray Shute signed Perry’s bond, and he was released to await court proceedings. After an arduous year of court proceedings, the Supreme Court rejected Perry’s appeal, and he was imprisoned on criminal charges.

The second case Tyson covers is the infamous “Kissing Case.” In late October of 1958, a seven-year-old white girl named Sissy Sutton told her mother that earlier in the day, she kissed eight-year-old Black boys David Ezell “Fuzzy” Simpson and James “Hanover” Grissom on the cheek. Upon hearing the news, Mrs. Sutton called the police, reporting that the two boys tried to rape her daughter. The news caused an immediate, violent uproar in Monroe. Fuzzy and Hanover were arrested by Monroe police and thrown in jail, where officers brutally beat them and refused to let them see their families. They were held for a week, during which time their families were targeted with violent KKK attacks. Both boys’ mothers were fired from their housekeeping jobs, and Mrs. Thompson was evicted two days after her son’s arrest. Notably, prominent white liberals like J. Ray Shute declined to speak out against the mistreatment of the boys.

According to Tyson, the Kissing Case represents the peak of “the racial politics of rape” (97). Politicians like Governor Hodges had been talking up the looming threat of Black-on-white sexual violence to bolster public resistance to the integration of schools, implying that it would lead to unchecked miscegenation and the eventual “death of the white race” (98). The prevailing attitude in the Jim Crow South was that any overture from a Black man or boy toward a white woman was a violation. Meanwhile, rapes committed against Black women by white men were routinely swept under the rug.

On November 4th, 1958, Monroe County Judge Hampton Price sentenced Fuzzy Simpson and Hanover Thompson to an indeterminate stint in the Morrison Training School for Negroes. The boys were denied legal counsel, during sentencing, and their mothers later reported that Price twice called them the n-word. Williams sent NAACP members to guard the Thompson and Simpson homes. In the following years, he became one of Fuzzy and Hanover’s staunchest advocates.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Communist Front Shouts the Kissing Case to the World”

This chapter explores the pivotal role of international politics in the outcome of the Kissing Case. As the political rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union deepened in the leadup to the Cold War, white-supremacist smear campaigns maligned Black activists by publishing press linking the Black freedom struggle to Communism. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union used America’s record of racial injustices in its anti-American propaganda. Governor Hodges, who campaigned as a moderate, was keenly aware of the potential for the Kissing Case to embarrass America on the international stage and sought to suppress press coverage.

In Monroe, Williams dedicated himself to pursuing justice in the Kissing Case. He sought support from the NAACP but found them unwilling to intervene because it was a “sex case” with the potential to further stoke the flames of racial violence. Bypassing the NAACP entirely, Williams formed the Committee to Combat Racial Injustice. His efforts were aided by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), a Trotskyite group based in New York that believed that “proponents of socialism and of black liberation [can] help one another to succeed” (111). Two SWP members, a Black attorney named Conrad Lynn and a white activist named George Weissman, journeyed to Monroe to assist Williams. Lynn successfully appealed Mrs. Thompson’s eviction. He organized a hearing to appeal the boys’ sentencing, but Judge Price quashed the appeal and again denied the boys legal counsel.

In November of 1958, Joyce Eggington, a reporter for the London News-Chronicle, worked with members of the Committee to Combat Racial Injustice to smuggle a camera into the detention center where the boys were being held. On December 15th, the London News-Chronicle published her front-page article about the miscarriage of justice in Monroe, complete with photographs. The Kissing Case became an international controversy overnight, placing North Carolina in the critical eye of the wider world. Protests erupted outside of US embassies across Europe urging the release of the two boys. Hodges attempted to deflect criticism by organizing a press campaign that smeared Williams and framed the Kissing Case as “an assault on white womanhood” (123). When this failed to quell the tide of criticism, Hodges quietly authorized the release of the two boys (without comment or apology, Tyson notes). It was a major victory for Williams that marked the beginning of his development into a well-known radical leader.

Chapters 4-5 Analysis

The events profiled in these chapters showcase the complete inefficacy of the Southern legal system to aid Black citizens and the way that this failure bolstered militant resistance efforts.

Tyson’s explanation of the Kissing Case develops the theme of Race, Gender, and the Sexual Taboo. The disproportionate punishment inflicted on eight-year-olds Hanover and Fuzzy was due to their transgression against the sexual taboo that essentially forbade Black men from having any contact with white women. The irrational force of this fear was such that the taboo extended to a kiss exchanged in a children’s game, and Black boys were treated like grown men capable of severe harm. As a young white girl, Sissy Sutton represented the supposed peak of innocent white femininity, and the insinuation that two Black boys had violated her provoked a wave of hysteria throughout Monroe. Though there would seem to be a clear irony in mobs seeking to protect the innocence of a child by calling for the murder of two other children, this was not a contradiction in the eyes of many white Southerners, Tyson suggests, because Black boys were never given the luxury of a childhood or the presumption of innocence. Meanwhile, rapes committed against Black women by white men were routinely swept under the rug or treated as an open secret. Presenting these cases thus brings to the foreground the breadth and depth of anti-Black oppression in the South at this time and how it led to deep injustices against Black people, including children.

In a similar vein, Tyson observes that this taboo of social equality was so powerful that it overrode other power dynamics; Perry’s alleged victim, Lily Mae Rape, was an unwed, destitute mother of five, Tyson notes. If she had accused a white man of a similar crime, societal misogyny would likely have diminished her credibility, but a white woman levelling an accusation against a Black man could count on support and violent retribution in her name. Though Perry’s alleged crime was not a sexual assault, it invoked a similar ire due to the sexualized connotations of a Black man interacting with a white woman’s reproductive system.

In Chapter 5, the text deepens its exploration of The Effect of International Politics on Black Liberation. Pressure from America’s allies and enemies abroad played a pivotal role in Governor Hodges’s decision to release the boys. Williams and other activists courted support from international media, recognizing the power of the press as a tool. In this way, Tyson highlights some of the nuances and complexities of the civil rights movement by underscoring how international efforts also played a role in bringing about change.

The text also foregrounds the complex relationship between Black activists and the Communist Party USA in the leadup to the Cold War. Associating a person or movement with communism was an easy way for the United States government or the FBI to destroy their social credibility. While mainstream organizations like the NAACP carefully distanced themselves from allegations of Communist interference, some more radical activists like Williams remained open to the idea of an alliance. The alliance between communism or socialist principles and Black liberation would eventually become a founding principle of the Black Power movement. Tyson thereby introduces some of the early roots of what will become an important ideological alliance.

Finally, this section of the text develops the theme of Black Power and the Role of Violence in the Civil Rights Movement. Tyson highlights how the NAACP’s bureaucratic structure and conservative approach to the civil rights movement began to chafe against the younger generation of Black Americans, who bore witness to the government’s continual failure to uphold their rights. This left an opening for Williams’s philosophy of armed self-defense, which offered a sense of protection and self-determination amidst the chaos of life in the Jim Crow South.

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