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Henry MayhewA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In the Preface and Introduction to London Labour and the London Poor, Mayhew introduces his ambitious project to document the lives and experiences of the lower classes in London. He highlights the need for more public knowledge about this population and aims to challenge prevalent 19th-century beliefs through the facts he presents. The author defends the accuracy of his work, acknowledging potential shortcomings but asserting his commitment to truthfulness. Mayhew explains the research he conducted over two years, interacting with thousands of individuals from the lower classes to gather their stories. He notes that he hopes his work will bridge the gap between the rich and poor, fostering empathy and inspiring action to improve the conditions of the less fortunate.
Mayhew divides humanity into two main categories: wanderers and settlers. Wanderers have nomadic lifestyles, while immigrants live in structured communities engaged in agriculture and other intellectual pursuits. Mayhew suggests that these divisions exist across different cultures and even in contemporary society. He then delves into the nomadic groups on London streets, categorizing them into distinct types such as sellers, buyers, performers, and artisans.
The first section covers the costermongers, a distinct class of street sellers that played a significant role in the city’s markets and trade. This group consisted of individuals who earned their livelihood by selling goods in the city’s streets and markets. Mayhew notes that their numbers increased as more people turned to street selling during unemployment. Their livelihoods were highly dependent on weather conditions and seasonal fluctuations. Widespread poverty, lack of education, and moral degradation within their communities aggravated this precarious situation. The costermongers formed a distinct class among the various street-folk groups in London, with unique identities and characteristics that set them apart.
One notable group within the costermongers class was the “patterers.” Their presence in London’s history can be traced to references to street cries in literature dating back to the era of Henry V. Distributors and dealers bridging the gap between producers and consumers evolved too, from direct interactions at markets to peddlers serving the working class.
The lives of costermongers were not limited to trading; they engaged in various activities, from visiting beer shops and dancing rooms to participating in games like card games, skittles, and boxing. Gambling was prevalent among them, contributing to their sense of community and camaraderie. The costermonger community was closely tied to political beliefs, particularly Chartism. They held vague views of aristocracy, advocating for free trade and fair prices. Given costermongers’ distrust (and thus defiance) of authority figures, their relationship with the police was tense. Costermongers exhibited solidarity within their community. The language, or dialect, they used in discussing business matters and money was a distinct feature of their culture. Despite their lack of formal education, many costermongers were interested in literature, especially illustrated periodicals.
The economic aspects of their trade were complex, involving various methods of financing and trading. Borrowed or rented capital was common among costermongers, leading to high interest rates on loans. Unscrupulous practices such as counterfeit weights, measures, and “half profits” arrangements were prevalent. However, some in the community emphasized the importance of fair dealing and held members accountable.
Weather played a significant role in the lives of costermongers: Wet days could severely impact their earnings. The community’s response to the cholera outbreak of 1849 demonstrated their sense of solidarity and support for those in need. Legal regulations governed their activities, imposing licensing requirements for street trading. The relationship between costermongers and shopkeepers was complex because both groups had grievances and interests.
In these sections, Mayhew describes some of the focuses of trade of the costermongers. The first was fish, including wet fish (like salmon, cod, soles, and whiting), dry fish (like salt cod and smoked haddock), and shellfish (such as oysters, lobsters, and shrimp). These vendors primarily served the poorer population by selling affordable seafood. Mayhew discusses the history of forestalling, in which goods are influenced before they reach the market. Another focus of trade is the selling of fruits and vegetables. These vendors deal primarily in “green fruit,” including strawberries, cherries, apples, and vegetables like potatoes and peas. Fruit is a luxury, and costermonger noted its popularity as an indicator of the working class’s well-being. The text highlights specific fruits, such as cherries and apples, that the poor favored because they were affordable. Vegetable sellers, often “general dealers” combining fish and vegetables, focused on seasonal produce, including onions, which were essential among the poor. Irish women play a significant role in onion selling. The text provides insights into the challenges facing street traders and their reliance on seasonal variations.
Mayhew then discusses stationary street sellers in London who hawked fish, fruit, and vegetables. He details the number and types of stalls in different areas as well as the various setups, from makeshift to more elaborate arrangements. Local preferences and economic status influenced the number of stalls in different areas. The author concludes with a discussion on metropolitan costermongers, highlighting their significance in providing food to the poor. The author notes the establishment of “The Friendly Association of London Costermongers” to help support and protect street sellers and describes a public meeting of street sellers, at which they emphasized their challenges, grievances, and need for better treatment and support.
In this section, Mayhew breaks from the broader topic of costermongers to discuss the Irish street sellers of 19th-century London. He highlights their emerging prominence, predominantly in the fruit trade, and their struggles and adaptations within London street selling. They were particularly active during the orange season, and selling oranges was a trade they gradually took over from the Jewish population, which many attributed to the effective sales techniques of Irish sellers, particularly women and children. Their religious zeal also set them apart; their regular attendance at mass and devotion to Catholicism contrasted with the religious indifference sometimes found among English costermongers.
Education and literacy among the Irish street sellers was limited; they mainly read Roman Catholic literature and newspapers. Nevertheless, their communal bonds and support networks were strong, and their solidarity was evident in their mutual aid and borrowing practices. Their diet evolved from relying solely on potatoes to including inexpensive fish, coffee, and bread. While they lived in modest conditions, they were resilient because of their frugal lifestyles and resourceful strategies for saving money, even as they occasionally sought parish relief.
The text delves into the experiences of the Irish street sellers, revealing personal stories of hardship, eviction, and economic challenges that drove them to London. These sellers often relied on selling damaged fruit and vegetables to make ends meet. The trade not only provided a means of income but helped others in their community.
In these sections, Mayhew returns to his overview of the wares of London’s costermongers. He begins with the selling of game, poultry, butter, cheese, and eggs. The anecdotes of hawkers shed light on their dynamic strategies, customer interactions, and adaptations to the market. The narrative describes how an increased supply of imported cheese, butter, and eggs from distant areas via steamships and railways—particularly imported eggs from France and Belgium—impacted the once-bustling street trade of these items.
Mayhew next describes costermongers who sold varieties of flowers, plants, and related items. The author notes that specific trades such as flower seeds declined because of urban expansion, while the popularity of other items like potted plants persisted. Special occasions like Christmas and Palm Sunday drove sales of festive decorations like holly, mistletoe, ivy, and palm branches and revealed distinctions in clientele. The tradition of “Christmasing” and the use of evergreens for plum puddings highlighted the cultural significance of these practices. Additionally, the passage touches on the May flower trade, which encompassed hawthorn blossoms and other floral species.
Mayhew then discusses street vendors selling watercress, other greenery, and bird food in London. He focuses mainly on the watercress trade, predominantly conducted by women who purchased the greens in bundles early in the morning from Farringdon market and then redistributed these bundles to working-class customers throughout the city. The author shares a young girl’s perspective that sheds light on a watercress seller’s daily life and struggles. In addition, the text touches on the lives of groundsel, chickweed sellers, and turf cutters, who provided food and roosting material for caged birds.
This section focuses on costermongers who sell products meant to be consumed. The edible items include hot eels, pea soup, pickled whelks, and fried fish. Street sellers of these goods catered to the preferences of those seeking convenient and affordable meals throughout the day. Their stories shed light on the circumstances that led them to the trade and how some transitioned from unrelated professions because of a lack of employment opportunities or a desire for independence.
In describing drink sellers, Mayhew focuses on the coffee and tea vendors who provided relatively affordable luxury to passersby. The rise of these stalls—especially after 1842, when coffee prices decreased and opportunities for economic adulteration became available—demonstrates how market forces shaped street selling dynamics. The physical setup of stalls, often involving carts, canisters, and heating methods, created inviting spaces for customers.
Mayhew then touches on more unique foods and drinks, such as sheep’s trotters (feet), elder wine, and peppermint water, which added an intriguing layer to London’s street selling tapestry. The text explores the challenges these street sellers faced, including competition, changing consumer preferences, and the ever-present struggle against adverse weather conditions.
This section covers both patterers and street sellers of art. The former group engaged in “pattering,” using persuasive and embellished speeches to draw attention to their products. Patterers led a nomadic lifestyle, embracing continuous movement.
Mayhew describes various street practices and lodging conditions, such as strawing, a street practice involving the sale of straws with hidden items as a method to distribute political or indecent materials while bypassing censorship, and the “sham indecent trade,” in which vendors sold sealed packets containing scandalous materials to circumvent laws against explicit content. In addition, Mayhew discusses the lodging houses that accommodated lower-class inhabitants in squalid conditions. These houses were infested with vermin and often lacked proper sanitation. The narrative shares accounts of deceptive practices among individuals who navigated a world of poverty and desperation. Mayhew distinguishes among the patterers: those who used deceptive patter to promote their goods, performers who entertained, and professional beggars who relied on storytelling to gain sympathy and alms. The author also touches on professional beggars’ practices of using forged begging letters and petitions to elicit financial assistance. These “screevers” fabricated stories of hardship and misfortune, employing skilled forgery techniques to manipulate public sympathy.
Returning to street sellers, Mayhew examines vendors of art, literature, and related goods. Religious tract sellers distributed religious texts, while second-edition sellers were crucial in disseminating updated news during significant events. Chaunters adapted their performances to various themes and events to attract potential buyers. Street ballads were popular forms of literature, composed primarily in verse, and covered many themes. Mayhew emphasizes the ballads’ adaptability; some were newly composed for street sale, while others were adapted from well-known songs, including parodies that satirized current events. The ballads covered various topics, ranging from love to politics and crime. Sellers used illustrations to enhance the ballads’ appeal. Additionally, the section provides a comprehensive overview of the trade of street bookselling and delves into the selling of newspapers, periodicals, and reading materials on steamboats, steamboat piers, and railway stations, emphasizing the conditions that impacted this trade’s profitability. Mayhew also explores the changing nature of street bookselling and also touches on the decline of street auctions for books and the adaptation of street sellers to evolving regulations and market trends.
This section focuses on street sellers who traded in manufactured goods, which Mayhew categorizes into five groups: metal goods, chemical products, china/glass/stone items, textiles, and miscellaneous items. Specific examples include razors, chemical products like blacking and matches, china and glassware, textiles such as fabrics and laces, and other goods like tobacco, toys, and accessories. Mayhew’s accounts of the sellers emphasize the diversity of street selling strategies, including demonstrations, persuasive pitches, and emotional appeals to potential customers. Many street sellers relied on their ability to capture attention and establish a connection with passersby to generate sales. In addition, the section provides insight into the lives of marginalized individuals who turn to street selling to survive. Many of these street sellers faced hardships because of disabilities, poverty, or lack of opportunities. Mayhew touches on the role of various types of shops, such as “swag-shops” and “crock-shops,” in supplying goods to street sellers, describing how these shops operate and contribute to the broader street selling economy.
Additionally, Mayhew notes the fall of the “House of Lords” club, which was created to support sick sellers and collapsed because it was too selective and delayed payouts to those who needed help. In its place, a new club was formed called The Street Traders’ Protection Association. Street sellers created it to support each other and improve their collective situation. This club sought to foster honest livelihoods through perseverance and industry, and its committee included various members from different street selling backgrounds.
The last sections of Volume 1 focus on women and children street sellers. Mayhew outlines the diversity of the women. He includes the wives of street sellers, mechanics’ and laborers’ wives, widows, and single women. Their origins spanned England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Jewish community. The nature of the trades they engaged in varied, and men often performed more skilled and physically demanding tasks. Irish women, for instance, usually handled labor-intensive jobs such as selling fruits, while English women participated in a broader array of trades. The residences of female street sellers tended to cluster around street markets and poorer neighborhoods. Some lived in lodging houses, while others found themselves in “houses of ill repute.” While sex work was more common among girls and women engaged in street selling, they didn’t necessarily reside in such establishments. Mayhew highlights the limited educational opportunities for female street sellers, especially among English costermongers and Irish women without access to Catholic schools. However, he notes the establishment of Ragged Schools, which offered basic reading skills. While some married women fared better in earnings, extravagance was not typical among female street sellers.
Next, Mayhew examines the lives of children street sellers. He categorizes the forces that drove children toward street selling: parental conduct, early associations, employment by street traders, orphanhood, and adventurous tendencies. The text portrays these children’s difficult circumstances, including their fighting, gambling, and thieving tendencies, and examines the practice of parents sending their children out as street sellers, highlighting the inherited nature of this pursuit and the involvement of families connected with street life. Additionally, the passage presents personal accounts of orphaned and runaway street children, highlighting their struggles, experiences, and aspirations within street selling.
The first volume of four focuses mainly on the group of occupations in the working class known under the umbrella term “costermonger.” Other than the laborers, whom he touches on in later volumes, they include most of the working poor of London. As such, Mayhew dedicates many pages to describing their profession. This book is the longest of the four volumes and relies the least on statistical information, particularly in comparison to Volume 2. Instead, most of the text is based on description. While the author often provides anecdotes when writing, he also quotes the people he describes. He usually uses the individuals’ words, including their original slang or dialect. Mayhew’s interviews with individuals from all walks of life within the lower strata of society offered a rare and invaluable insight into the harsh realities facing those whom society often marginalized and ignored. This concept alone emphasizes the theme of Social Inequality in the 19th Century that recurs throughout the text. By giving voice to these individuals and allowing them to share their experiences, struggles, and aspirations, Mayhew humanized the poor and highlighted the stark contrast between the luxury of the upper classes and the dire circumstances of the majority. In the Introduction to this volume, the author notes this contrast:
It surely may be considered curious as being the first attempt to publish the history of a people, from the lips of the people themselves—giving a literal description of their labor, their earnings, their trials, and their sufferings, in their own “unvarnished” language (Volume 1, iv).
The significance of Mayhew’s approach lies in his documentation of their living conditions and employment as well as his recognition of the complex humanity within these communities. By allowing these individuals to narrate their own stories, he challenged prevailing stereotypes and prejudices of the era, fostering empathy and understanding among his readers.
While Mayhew is widely praised for his insights into the lives of the working class and poor, critics argue that his depictions of his subjects might only partially represent reality. These opponents state that biases, inaccuracies, and sensationalism might taint his work. One essential criticism revolves around Mayhew’s methodology. Critics hold that his interviews might have been selective and biased, as he likely chose individuals who fit his preconceived notions or had particularly dramatic stories, and that the text thus may have overemphasized extreme cases, skewing the overall portrayal of the working class. Additionally, Mayhew’s position as an upper middle-class observer created a barrier between him and his subjects, influencing how he interpreted and presented their stories. Another concern is the potential for embellishment or sensationalism: As a journalist, Mayhew aimed to captivate readers, and he might have exaggerated certain aspects of the lives he documented to create a more compelling narrative. This raises questions about the accuracy of his descriptions and the extent to which his accounts truly reflect the everyday realities of his subjects. For example, The Street Traders’ Protection Association viewed his portrayal of them and their members as detrimental to their livelihoods. Furthermore, Mayhew focuses on specific areas and communities within London, which might result in an incomplete and skewed picture of the city’s poor population. By not encompassing a more comprehensive range of experiences and perspectives, Mayhew’s work could inadvertently perpetuate stereotypes and contribute to a limited understanding of the complexities of poverty during that time. Mayhew himself attempts to counter these arguments in the Introduction to this volume: “The author would merely remind the reader of the entire novelty of the task—there being no other similar work in the language by which to guide or check his inquiries” (Volume 1, iv). The work was the first of its kind of investigative research. While it sought to give a voice to those whose troubles society previously failed to heed (or openly acknowledge), its novel nature meant it was likely to have issues, as Mayhew acknowledged.
Although most of Volume 1 focuses on costermongers, Mayhew pauses to discuss the Irish’s role in London’s working poor communities. Most of these street sellers, both men and women, were from Leinster and Munster and had often been connected to agricultural or manual labor in Ireland. The text explains that the increase in Irish street sellers resulted from various factors, including famine, evictions, and the seasonal nature of specific trades. The author attributes the prevalence of Irish women and children among street sellers to their limited options for employment. Many Irish individuals who arrived in London were impoverished and sought work in the city’s labor-intensive industries. They often lived in overcrowded and filthy conditions, contributing to the emergence of impoverished Irish neighborhoods subject to negative stereotypes. Employment opportunities were limited for the Irish because of their perceived “otherness.” Mayhew notes this in a description in the opening of the book while discussing the costermongers, “They appear to be a distinct race—perhaps, originally, of Irish extraction—seldom associating with any other of the street-folks, and being all known to each other” (Volume 1, 8). While Mayhew’s description here “others” all the costermongers as part of the English population, it also reflects the attitudes prevalent at the time. The Irish were viewed as an entirely separate race from the English. This “otherness” in England led to their being denied many jobs, and they were often relegated to low-paying, labor-intensive work. Additionally, the competition for jobs led to friction between Irish immigrants and the local working class, leading to violence and hostility. Mayhew notes the English costermongers’ dislike for the Irish, stating that “next to a policeman, a genuine London costermonger hates an Irishman, considering him an intruder” (Volume 1, 108).
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