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Barbara RansbyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Baker believed in a politics of the ordinary person. She believed in centering the stories and lives of the average citizen, the poor, the working class. Ransby repeatedly returns to Baker’s formation of a political philosophy that uplifted the poor and working-class blacks and gave them a substantial voice in the movement. By connecting with local leaders, empowering rural blacks to speak for themselves, Baker helped turn the Black Freedom Movement into a movement of all peoples, strengthening its base across the South.
In Harlem, Baker met working-class and poor black people for what was likely the first time in her fairly middle-class life. Such encounters had an immense impact on Baker, as she learned about their struggles and experienced them herself as the Great Depression hit the country. She observed how economic situations were placing black people in much the same position as slaves—this was the inspiration for her article, “The Bronx Slave Market.”
As Ransby puts it:
“The economic rigors of the depression had intensified all forms of oppression, pushing many black women from the lower rungs of the wage labor force back to day work and even into occasional prostitution. When Baker and Cooke wrote their article, the modern concept of feminism was still a foreign notion to most Americans, black and white. Yet the black feminist notion of intersecting systems of oppression as a cornerstone of black women’s collective experience was an observable reality, and in their article Cooke and Baker came close to articulating it as a theory” (77).
Later on, as she traveled through the South organizing different campaigns, and working with celebrity leaders like Martin Luther King Jr., Baker saw the importance of listening to the ordinary folks in their own communities. Helping to empower people to speak on their own behalf solidified Baker’s belief that citizens acting within their community are far more powerful than any charismatic speaker flying in from elsewhere. Ransby’s book offers a different narrative of the civil rights moment than what appears in high school history books: It was a movement of ordinary people, leading ordinary lives, doing extraordinary things.
Of Baker’s philosophy, Ransby writes: “activists had to form relationships, build trust, and engage in a democratic process of decision making together with community members. The goal was to politicize the community and empower ordinary people” (270). The direct contrast between Baker and King defined the central conflicts between civil rights groups for decades, drawing a fixed line between SNCC’s philosophy of organization and SCLC’s focus on motivation through celebrity.
Ransby examines how Baker defied gender stereotypes about how women should behave and act. Despite being raised by a mother who insisted on propriety, Baker had a tomboy attitude that dared anyone to deny her something because she was a woman. This defiance of gender roles called other women to the movement, creating an entire movement of black women who fought for their rights alongside men—and encouraged men to do more and do better. While Baker faced sexism from male leadership, she never let it define her worth and instead called it out as the injustice it was.
For many black women in the early 20th century, their roles were still being defined by patriarchal society. After the first sexual revolution in the 1920s, World War II and the return to a more explicitly “Christian” national identity (partly developed in response to atheistic communism espoused in the USSR), black women found themselves in churches that espoused conservative gender roles while also advocating for progressive causes like voting rights. This brought up conflict for individual women involved in the movement, whose very participation put them at greater risk.
But foremothers like Baker, Fannie Lou Hamer, and Rosa Parks offered a different model as black women who were respectable and taken seriously while also being major parts of the movement. This isn’t to say that these women did not face sexism, but they refused to let sexism and racism rule their lives. Ransby writes:
“Baker was not naive about sexism, but her approach was to simply plow ahead as if she expected no one to stop her—and, more often than not, no one did. But she did not try to ignore sexism in the hope that it would just go away. She pushed for broader inclusion and fairer treatment of other women and took opportunities to make women feel valued within the organization, including women whose main roles in life were those of wife and mother” (135).
Baker lived an unusual life, as a black woman who was unusually prominent in the movement, both in her organizational work and in how she presented herself as a woman. She deliberately separated her public identity from her married life, to the point where many of her colleagues didn’t realize she was married. While she dressed conservatively and did not seem to care about fashion, the way she carried herself garnered respect from her peers in the movement. In defying gender stereotypes in her own life, Baker inspired other women in the movement to follow her lead, encouraging some of the movement’s nascent feminist leanings to grow into a full-fledged fight for gender equality.
One of the major conflicts facing the civil rights moment was the question of nonviolent action. Prior to the start of the Black Freedom Movement, the country went through numerous pains to recover from the Civil War and Lincoln’s unilateral emancipation of slaves. In response, the South passed Jim Crow Laws that kept blacks and whites separate—a principle upheld in the Supreme Court decision Plessy v. Ferguson, which happened the year Baker’s parents married (1896). This ruling was undone by Brown vs. Board of Education in 1954, the year Baker’s mother, Anna Ross Baker, passed away.
The Jim Crow South was a region plagued by vigilante “justice” performed by violent mobs of whites who accused black men and women of all kinds of crimes—typically perpetrated against white people. Black people—especially black men—who fought back were seen as fulfilling their racial stereotypes of aggression. Consequently, many in the nascent civil rights moment, especially those coming from black churches, saw nonviolence as the only possible response to such violence. Like Jesus, they sought to lay down their lives and prove themselves better than their enemies through their pacifism.
But this strategy did not work for some in the civil rights moment. Black men and women often carried handguns as protection against violence. Baker herself questioned the efficacy of nonviolence as she worked with organizers in Mississippi, long regarded the belly of southern racism.
Ransby summarized Baker’s thoughts:
“Baker consistently gave voice to a radical vision for social transformation and encouraged others to join her in the struggle necessary to realize that vision. The realist in her understood that such a struggle might, at times, become heated and even physical. Engaging in determined conflict entailed utilizing a variety of tactics. Baker felt that oppressed people needed to tap whatever resources they had at their disposal to forge a viable strategy for resistance, especially in the dangerous and violent climate of the Jim Crow South” (194-95).
For Baker, using all resources at their disposal—including potential weapons and violence—was vital to honoring the individual situations in which the rural working poor may need further protection than the moral high ground. Indeed, Baker was deeply involved in SNCC’s discussions about whether self-defense was allowable under a commitment to nonviolence, and while SNCC opted to ban weapons among its organizers, Baker still occasionally visited homes where she was under the protection of armed bodyguards. For her, reality ran right up against the moral purity of nonviolence.