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56 pages 1 hour read

Robert M. Sapolsky

Determined: A Science of Life without Free Will

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Chapters 14-15Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 14 Summary: “The Joy of Punishment”

The concept of reform is preceded by a brief recount of the “lepers’ plot,” in which people with leprosy were unjustly accused of and confessed to poisoning water supplies, but they claimed they were encouraged to do it by Jewish people. When confronted, Jewish people blamed Muslim people, but since the latter were out of reach, the Jewish people and people with leprosy were killed.

Sapolsky discusses the reforms needed in the criminal justice system, citing its biases and high rates of recidivism. The justice system has undergone reform across the centuries. Early practices, such as those involved in trying witches, are now viewed as barbaric. Sapolsky also describes the graphic execution of Robert-Francois Damiens, who attempted to kill King Louis XV and was drawn and quartered in consequence.

Trials, Sapolsky posits, should be replaced with nonjudgmental investigations focused on finding the truth rather than on assigning blame. A few alternatives to the criminal justice system have been attempted; Sapolsky briefly discusses reconciliatory and restorative justice systems, which he deems irrelevant, and then focuses on quarantine systems as the most effective alternative and the one most likely to be accepted. The widely used quarantine system runs on four principles—that a person can be dangerous, that it is not the person’s fault, that it is okay to constrain their freedom for the sake of others’ safety, and that they should be minimally constrained. This model takes future danger into consideration: “The more danger is posed in the future, the more constraints are needed” (351). The idea of using quarantine for criminals was proposed by Derk Pereboom and extended by philosopher Gregg Caruso to target the causes of criminality, such as poverty and systematic biases.

Three main critiques of quarantine are the issue of indefinite quarantine lengths, preemptive constraint, and the fact that it is not punitive. Sapolsky counters, respectively, that minimal quarantine would be enforced, that “social determinants” like poverty would be addressed to reduce crime rates, and that positive quarantine experiences do not result in higher rates of recidivism. In Norway, prisoners have access to amenities, including workshops, kitchens, studios, computers, and recreation activities, and their recidivism rates are low. Others have complained that quarantine systems impede the quarantined person’s rights. Sapolsky recounts the last public hanging that occurred in the United States: Rainey Bethea confessed to raping and killing Lischia Edwards and was charged only with rape so he could be publicly hanged as opposed to executed in the prison. Florence Thompson, as acting sheriff, oversaw the execution and elected to have someone else pull the lever. Twenty thousand people attended, and most remained peaceful.

Sapolsky posits that cheating and punishment evolved in tandem: “Crucially, punishment works to maintain cooperation” (361). Punishing cheaters encourages prosocial behaviors and is seen in numerous species, including other primates, bees, and bacteria. Humans have evolved a more complex punishment system in which external parties punish behavior on behalf of other citizens or entities, such as police apprehending criminals, boards that punish corrupt police officers, and so on. However, this system is not seen in smaller, hunter-gatherer tribes, which use more informal and direct methods of punishment; larger societies allow for anonymity, which can increase antisocial behaviors, so third-party punishment systems, including moralizing religions, help ensure prosocial behaviors. Punishment comes with a cost, but the cost can be reduced through reputation, with third-party punishers enhancing their reputation and norm-breakers worsening theirs. People’s enjoyment of getting to punish others is shown through the fascination with serial killers and executions. In one experiment, children or chimpanzees watched as a person was beaten and dragged into another room; if the person had been cruel, around half the subjects would pay a price (either tokens for the kids or lifting a heavy door for the chimps) to continue watching the person being beaten. Other studies have shown that punishing wrongdoers releases dopamine, a feel-good hormone.

Timothy McVeigh committed a terrorist bombing act in Oklahoma City in 1995, killing 168 people including children and leaving hundreds homeless. He was subsequently given the death penalty and killed via lethal injection. While lethal injection is viewed as humane, the IV is often put in incorrectly by correctional officers rather than medical professionals, and the drugs sometimes do not work properly. McVeigh’s execution went according to plan, with 10 people present, hundreds more watching by video, and over 1,000 reporters and some protestors congregating peacefully outside the prison. Sapolsky revisits the executions he discussed, noting the progression from the violent drawing and quartering of Damiens to the relatively quiet execution of McVeigh. He questions whether victims should have a right to retribution, citing findings that show that retribution does not provide victims with a sense of closure and that many victims do not support execution. In Norway, Anders Breivik killed 77 people and was given the maximum sentence of 21 years in prison, where he had access to several amenities, including a living space with three rooms, technology and entertainment, and a remote college education. Almost all Norwegian citizens were satisfied with Breivik’s sentence. One survivor later publicly spoke out sympathetically toward Breivik, blaming the social rejection he experienced as a causal factor of Breivik’s violence. People in the US reacted to the outcome with disbelief, feeling that his punishment should have been more severe.

Sapolsky acknowledges that he has yet to overcome his judgment of certain crimes, such as murder. He suggests that, although it will be hard, such moral judgments can be overcome.

Chapter 15 Summary: “If You Die Poor”

Life without free will can appear meaningless, Sapolsky posits, which can trigger a fearful response similar to the fear of death. He suggests that compatibilists hold their belief in free will to avoid this sense of meaninglessness. Some studies have suggested that clinical depression occurs with the recognition that what happens is inevitable and meaningless, and Sapolsky concedes that even if free will does not exist, it might be psychologically better for humans to retain their belief in it. Truth can, in some situations, worsen one’s well-being. Some, including Dennett, criticize neuroscientists who reject free will, arguing that such views will lead to dangerous immorality. In the US, most people believe in free will and moralizing gods, yet the country has the highest rates of violence in the Western world; thus, free will does not guarantee morality. Accepting a lack of free will also means that individuals do not deserve admiration for their accomplishments. Sapolsky feels that entitlement to praise would be nearly insurmountable; however, he feels that “malaise” would be the most debilitating effect of not believing in free will. Science shows that humans are “biological machines,” but Sapolsky struggles to grasp this concept because, logically, “good” things cannot happen to machines, and he feels that happiness is good and that pain is bad.

Although the rejection of free will may have negative consequences, Sapolsky posits that it is a net positive. He returns to the idea that people feel entitled to praise for their accomplishments, and he argues that such individuals are highly privileged. To examine the concept further, Sapolsky analyzes the factors that contribute to weight, such as genetics, hormones, and environment, including prenatal and gut bacterial environmental factors. Although weight and eating behaviors are controlled by biological and environmental factors, a person’s size is still attributed to their perceived willpower, and obese individuals face significant explicit and implicit biases as well as high rates of self-loathing. It is common for people to feel self-loathing for traits they cannot control, such as height or neurological differences. However, it is common for individuals to feel relieved or liberated upon discovering the causes of their differences. People also often feel better after understanding the causes of life events. People are unjustly judged on numerous aspects of life they cannot control, including attractiveness, fertility, sexual orientation, intelligence, and social and economic biases.

Sapolsky shares the poem “Where I Rest” by Morris Rosenfeld, which portrays the perspective of “the unlucky.” He concludes by reiterating that behavior and life outcomes are determined by biological and environmental factors and that no one deserves anything—good or bad. Those who disagree with this likely cannot grasp the complexity of causality and are likely privileged. While some researchers argue that not enough is known about behavior, Sapolsky disagrees, claiming there is enough proof to demonstrate that free will is a myth. He posits that in the future, people will look back on the current belief in free will as ignorant, just as modern individuals recognize the ignorance in attributing epilepsy to Satan, but Sapolsky hopes that modern humans will not be perceived as “heartless.”

Chapters 14-15 Analysis

Sapolsky uses controversial examples and emotionally charged and graphic details to drive home his point that people should not be morally judged for their behaviors. While most of Sapolsky’s linguistic choices are relatively neutral, he does use sarcasm at times to emphasize his points. For example, he uses sarcastic verbal irony in his views on the modern justice system: “The system offers all the justice money can buy” (343). The remark is a jab at the economic corruption within the legal system, which allows wealthy individuals the ability to buy their way out of consequences while simultaneously punishing poor individuals for their poverty. Biting sarcasm also appears in the line, “Great news: you can still be judgmental—life’s caprices may bless some people and curse others as to their natural attributes […] but what really matters if your self-discipline when playing the hand you were dealt” (396). The sarcasm is intended to ridicule the idea that people should be morally judged based on their perceived self-discipline. Sapolsky’s sarcasm and its subtext develop The Ethical and Legal Implications of Determinism. If the reader accepts determinism and its implications for free will, they logically should accept that both moral censure and praise are unjustifiable. The emotional language, such as the instances of sarcasm, reflects Sapolsky’s strong feelings on the topic and his desire to inspire change.

Chapter 14, which focuses on punishment, uses a progressive structure like that of Chapter 12; Sapolsky traces the evolution of executions from public drawing and quartering to private lethal injection. He uses a logical and neutral tone while discussing the individual execution cases while also incorporating graphic details, which encourages readers to empathize with the executed individuals. An example of this strategy can be seen in a passage describing the problems with lethal injection:

Trained medical professionals usually refuse to participate [in administering lethal injections] or are banned from doing so by their state professional board. As a result, the IV line is put in by a correctional officer, who often botches things, with multiple sticks required or the vein missed entirely so that the drug is injected into muscle and then absorbed slowly. The initial anesthetic, which rapidly induces unconsciousness, also wears off quickly, so the subsequent steps might be done to someone who is conscious and feeling pain but can’t express that because they are paralyzed. Sometimes the second drug does not adequately stop breathing, minutes passing with the prisoner gasping for air (374).

Sapolsky’s linguistic choices are professional and accurate, and they incorporate sensory language and imagery that are intended to evoke a visceral response. This is further enhanced with relatable details—most readers understand what it feels like to experience a substandard medical stick and to experience an injection into muscle tissue. Neutral language combined with charged, relatable details work together to support Sapolsky’s argument that lethal injection (and execution more broadly) is unethical.

The final chapter covers another controversial topic—that just as criminals do not deserve hatred and punishment, successful individuals do not deserve praise. Sapolsky suggests that readers who struggle to accept this view have experienced privilege and that they may not be considering the lived experiences of less fortunate individuals. He challenges this privileged perspective by listing environmental and biological factors to incite empathy and self-reflection through the engaging second-person language:

You didn’t grow up in the sort of neighborhood where it was nearly impossible to ‘Just Say No’ to drugs because there were so few healthy things to say yes to, […] your mother wasn’t working three jobs and barely making rent when she was pregnant with you, […] a pounding on the door isn’t from ICE (393).

Using poignant language, Sapolsky addresses potential implicit biases his audience may hold, underscoring his perspective that it is unjustifiable to morally judge either success or failure.

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