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65 pages 2 hours read

Bryan Burrough, John Helyar

Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1989

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Chapters 7-9Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary

A year after the 1987 stock market crash, Wall Street was still in recovery, with some 15,000 professionals having lost their jobs. Companies “began scanning the Street for investment opportunities” (187). Investment bankers in the late ‘70s and ‘80s were different from their predecessors, who had “forged decades-long friendships with their corporate clients” (187). The new bankers had no allegiances, “for every takeover produces a fee” (187). At the apex of this new food chain was “an elite clique of a dozen or so top dealmakers” in the mergers and acquisition field (187), known somewhat cryptically as “The Group.” They included Eric Gleacher of Morgan Stanley, Stephen Schwarzman of Blackstone Group, and Allen Finkelston of Cravath Swaine & Moore. The Group’s leader was famous Wall Street lawyer Joseph Flom. The nature of The Group’s relationship “helped spawn the insider-trading scandals of the late eighties” (189).

When the Dow Jones News Service announced RJR Nabisco’s LBO plans, “All hell broke loose” (185). The company was flooded with hundreds of phone calls, and the media besieged the headquarters. RJR Nabisco stock jumped to $77.25 by the end of the day. All the major Wall Street players learned about RJR’s LBO at $75 per share. Everyone, from KKR to Morgan Stanley, thought that $75 was too cheap and that “these guys were stealing the company” (196). They tried to identify the primary partner thinking it might be Shearson. Kravis was angry, believing that he “gave them the idea” (191). Jeff Beck of Drexel Burnham Lambert Inc. was irritated when he called Johnson only to be shut down. Overall, “[a]nyone who wanted this company would have to move fast” (192). Many, like Bill Strong of Salomon Brothers, viewed RJR Nabisco as having “tremendous cash flow from tobacco,” “[u]nmatched food brands,” and “undervalued stock” (196).

Chapter 8 Summary

Shearson remained concerned about competing bids after Johnson’s announcement. Henry Kravis expressed his disappointment to Tom Hill in a “venomous tone” (200). Because of Kravis’s power, Tom Hill and Peter Cohen met with him. Kravis announced that Shearson was now a competitor of KKR, while Cohen tried to convince him that Shearson had the right to pursue LBOs. Kravis, in turn, was fed up “[a]fter five years of steadily mounting competition” (202). His territory of “doing deals too large for anyone else to handle” was being challenged (202). Kravis suggested three options: competition, a joint bid, or a Shearson sale of RJR’s food business to KKR while keeping the tobacco business.

Cohen told Kravis to wait until after the weekend, while Kravis put together his team of investment banks, including Drexel Burnham, Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch, and Wasserstein Perella. He hired the latter strictly to keep the firm “out of circulation” (205). He tried to work fast to not miss the deal. Kravis was also concerned that Shearson might hire one of the “Big Three” (Bankers Trust, Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., and Citibank)—who “had loose control over the spigots through which flowed the billions of dollars in money necessary to fuel Wall Street’s takeover machine”—on an exclusive basis (207). As a result, he exclusively hired Manufacturers Hanover himself.

KKR called his bid Project Peach. There were three possible plans. The first option was to send a “bear hug letter” to the company’s board signaling the intention to pay more than $75 per share without naming the exact price (212). The second option was to meet with Johnson and Shearson and pursue a joint bid. The final option was “the blitzkrieg approach”—a tender offer (212). All RJR Nabisco valuations ranged between $82 and $111 a share—much higher than Johnson’s $75. There was also a leaker on the inside of the company: “almost certainly a high-level RJR Nabisco executive with access to confidential documents” who “was out to get Ross Johnson” (210). For KKR, “This deal was three times larger than anything they had ever done before” (220). The bid would not be completely hostile because Kravis wanted to seek the approval of RJR Nabisco’s board.

At the same time, John Gutfreund of Salomon Brothers, “a newcomer to the takeover world,” also sought to pursue RJR Nabisco (213). Gutfreund also had to spend “much of his time suppressing internal revolts” in the firm (215). The company had a trading floor that dealt with a larger dollar amount of securities than the New York Stock Exchange daily. But Salomon wanted to move into merchant banking. Gutfreund worried that the massive amount of money necessary to pursue RJR Nabisco “would place an enormous burden on the firm” (215). The Salomon team decided to move aggressively and “quickly and secretly accumulate a large position in RJR Nabisco stock—a toehold—with an eye toward launching an unsolicited takeover bid” (217). Their goal was to spend $1 billion. Salomon director Warren Buffett confirmed the validity of this strategy.

Then the news of Kravis’s tender offer at $90 leaked to the media, including The Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and CBS Radio. Many were shocked. Johnson’s lawyer Steve Goldstone later said that the news “literally knocked my socks off” (224). The leak was “the worst breach of confidence” some Wall Street businessmen had ever seen (224). It also forced Kravis’s hand and made him act fast to announce the bid himself. He shocked Peter Cohen with this news, “Neither man could guess what had gone wrong” (228). Johnson called Kravis himself, surprising him “with an onslaught of cheerfulness” (227). Kravis then began an investigation into the identity of the leaker. At first, he believed him to be Drexel Burnham Lambert’s Jeff Beck, who was then “exiled from all strategy meetings” for weeks (228). Then Kravis’s aides thought that the leaks may have come from Bruce Wasserstein. In the end, “Kravis came to believe there were dual sources of the leaks, Beck and Wasserstein’ (228). Both denied responsibility. The rest of the time, KKR “largely worked alone” only seeking financial analysis from the bankers. Kravis’s announcement also put an end to Gutfreund’s bid.

Chapter 9 Summary

49-year-old Theodore J. Forstmann of Forstmann Little Co. was “a man who had everything” (231). The grandson of a German immigrant who had amassed a fortune with a textile company called Forstmann Woolens, the young Ted had a privileged but unhappy childhood. His father was a violent alcoholic, and the children lived “in physical fear” of him (234). Ted grew up athletic, playing tennis and hockey. He then attended Columbia Law School. However, following his father’s death, the family money “began to dwindle,” as the company “had failed and was sold” (235). After graduating, Ted worked for such firms as Fahaerty & Swartwood, where he met Henry Kravis. Forstmann focused on investment banking, merger work, and underwriting. By 1974, Forstmann was out of work—“a Wall Street refugee” (236). Yet he was able to make $300,000 from the sale of Graham Magnetics where he was on the board of directors. In 1978, with the investment banker Brian Little, he founded Forstmann Little & Co., which became one of “the first LBO firms to raise money directly from giant pension funds, a practice pioneered by Kohlberg Kravis” (238).

Forstmann subscribed to an old way of operating with LBOs and was highly critical of Kravis’s methods, “The reason Kravis can pay these incredible sums is that his money isn’t real” (234). He specifically criticized the “mutant strains” of high-yield, high-risk junk bonds, such as “securities that paid interest only in other bonds” or “stocks that were crammed down shareholders’ throats” (233). By 1988, almost every major LBO firm or key investor relied on these types of junk bonds. Forstmann felt that these junk bonds were “laying waste to his business” since they allowed “corporate raiders to raise money cheaply and easily” (239). Forstmann compared the situation to a cartel. The leaders of this cartel, KKR, “now had the upper hand in the looming battle for RJR Nabisco” (232).

On October 25, 1988, Forstmann published an “anti-junk-bond diatribe” (241) in the opinion pages of The Wall Street Journal. Forstmann sought to reveal Kravis “as the fraud he was” because of the RJR Nabisco deal (241). The anti-junk-bond crusader had a generally positive personal experience with Johnson in the early 1980s and thought that he could work with him. Thus, even though Forstmann was opposed to “selling cancer,” he decided to pursue RJR Nabisco as well (242). The deal was attractive not only financially but also because “Ted Forstmann knew he wanted to hurt Henry Kravis” (243). The Human Factor in Business is very much in evidence here, as Forstmann’s personal vendetta against Kravis drives him into a financial battle that will have implications for the entire US economy.

Chapters 7-9 Analysis

Burrough and Helyar use chapters seven through nine to outline the direct relationship between the general state of Wall Street in the wake of the 1987 stock market crash and the RJR Nabisco buyout. They convincingly show that the long-lasting negative effects—from bankers losing their jobs to the need to generate more deals—translated into a more aggressive pursuit of the RJR Nabisco buyout. In addition, the sheer size of the deal—the largest of its kind at that time—would have generated millions of dollars’ worth of fees for years to come. The authors also discuss the general historical development of investment banking on Wall Street to enhance the readers’ understanding of this banking branch and its relevance to their narrative.

As in the previous chapters, the role of the media remains paramount. The authors show the way the media coverage by The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times shaped public opinion and escalated the bidding war over RJR Nabisco. In this instance, the media leaked Kravis’s $90 per share bid, which significantly exceeded that of the management. In the authors’ view, it was this leak that limited Kravis’s options and forced his hand as other interested parties began to react. In this way, the authors, too, became indirect participants in this bidding war when they covered the RJR Nabisco developments for The Wall Street Journal prior to publishing this book. The role of the media becomes even more apparent in the later chapters when Time magazine accuses Ross Johnson of inadvertently turning the board of directors against him through his own greed.

Here, the symbolic motif of war—the “blitzkrieg” tender offer, for example—gives way to a related analogy to intrigue at the highest levels of political power (212). The authors describe Salomon’s John Gutfreund in Machiavellian terms: “A man who had ruthlessly frozen out his own mentor and who seemed to take pride in firing challengers to his power, Gutfreund found himself spending much of his time suppressing internal revolts” (215). Similarly, Burroughs and Helyar highlight the behind-the-scenes maneuvering on Wall Street, “American corporate merger activity can be viewed as a running chess game between those old friends” (188). Hoping to identify the leaker to the media, Kravis fed false information to the culprits he suspected. This political analogy highlights the ruthless nature of Wall Street.

The authors pay considerable attention to the character and biography of Ted Forstmann, describing him as an ideologue and a one-man crusader against specific types of junk bonds on Wall Street. Indeed, Forstmann seems to have perceived Henry Kravis as his arch-nemesis in this regard. His view of Wall Street was exaggerated and Manichean: “Wall Street had been taken over by a cartel” (232). His criticism of the risk-taking associated with junk bonds—much like his much later criticism of the behaviors that led to the 2008 financial crisis—seems relevant. However, in the case of KKR, the authors suggest that Forstmann’s obsession was a case of personal vendetta and envy: “Ted Forstmann knew he wanted to hurt Henry Kravis” (141). The personal nature of this dispute further illustrates the theme of The Human Factor in Business—showing how individual personalities shape large-scale events.

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