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70 pages 2 hours read

Robert Nozick

Anarchy, State and Utopia

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1974

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Part 1, Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “State-of-Nature Theory, or How to Back Into a State Without Really Trying”

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “Prohibition, Compensation, and Risk”

Independents and the Dominant Protective Agency

In Chapter 4, Nozick examines the dynamic between a dominant protective agency and individuals who choose to remain independent, enforcing their own rights. He contemplates a scenario in which independents exist within the geographical territory of the agency. As an example, Nozick speculates about Native Americans who could have refused to integrate into white settler society after being forced off their land.

Nozick theorizes that a protective agency might attempt to isolate independents, creating a territory with internal and external boundaries. However, this approach faces challenges if independents bypass these boundaries using advanced means, such as helicopters. He suggests that the protective agency might instead allow independents to enforce their rights, subsequently assessing and responding to any wrongful actions. This raises questions about action against independents, the legitimacy of the protective agency defending its clients against perceived threats, and the independence of the protective agency’s clients in the face of punitive actions by independents. Nozick’s questions reveal the moral complications inherent in a dominant protective association’s actions toward those who choose to operate outside its protective framework.

Prohibition and Compensation

In this section, Nozick explores the moral implications of crossing an individual’s natural rights boundary, as outlined by John Locke. Lock states that an individual has a rights boundary that others are bound to respect. Nozick questions whether actions violating this boundary are inherently forbidden or permissible with compensation. This inquiry leads to a discussion about the nature of compensation, such as what constitutes full compensation and how that is determined. Nozick tentatively suggests a compensation model that accounts for reasonable actions taken by the individual to mitigate their loss, placing the onus on the transgressor to compensate for the impact of their actions on a prudent person.

Why Ever Prohibit?

Further on, Nozick discusses the moral boundaries of personal consent and prohibition concerning individual rights. He posits that voluntary consent allows others to cross one’s moral boundaries, including actions impossible for one to do to oneself. He contrasts this with Locke’s idea that one cannot consent to others doing impermissible things to himself, such as assisted suicide. On the contrary, Nozick adopts a non-paternalistic stance, according to which individuals can consent to any action unless they have obligations to third parties.

Leaving behind the issue of assisted action, Nozick considers the following two opposing concerns: (1) why actions are prohibited rather than allowed with compensation for the victim and (2) why only some boundary crossings require prior consent. Regarding compensation, Nozick points to the complexity of verifying who the author of an act is.

Retributive and Deterrence Theories of Punishment

In this section, Nozick explores the moral and practical aspects of boundary crossing in the state of nature. He considers the risk and reward balance of crossing boundaries, incorporating factors like the probability of being apprehended and the costs of compensation and legal processes. He asserts that retributive theory, which focuses on deserved punishment for a crime, does not deter crime because it sets punishments either exceedingly high or very low. He contrasts this with utilitarian deterrence, which must balance the unhappiness caused by the punishment with that caused by the crime. Thus, in utilitarian theory, increasing punishment for the purpose of deterrence is not acceptable. Nozick notes this position as an anomaly.

In addition, Nozick suggests that considerations of “desert” might play a role in determining penalties. In the context of political theory, desert is used to signify a just punishment for a crime. The notion of desert is used by deterrence theorists, and Nozick suggests that it could be used to answer the utilitarian issue of measuring the unhappiness of victims and perpetrators. Nozick connects the discussion of deterrence to the issue of self-defense, considering the permissible extent of force in response to harm and the influence of the aggressor’s responsibility.

Dividing the Benefits of Exchange

Returning to the previous question of why not all boundary crossings are permissible if full compensation is paid, Nozick argues that such a system leads to an unfair and arbitrary allocation of benefits and goods. This system allows anyone to seize a good and claim ownership if they compensate the previous owner, which could result in unfair advantages for those who act first. It also raises issues about determining fair compensation, especially in a market where prices are influenced by demand. Nozick suggests that allowing negotiations to determine prices is fairer than any hypothetical compensation system.

Fear and Prohibition

Further exploring the prohibition of actions that can be compensated, Nozick focuses on the fear and apprehension that such acts may cause. He explains that certain acts, even if compensated, provoke fear, making them public wrongs. Nozick distinguishes between private wrongs, which only necessitate compensating the direct victim, and public wrongs, which create general fear among potential victims.

Nozick argues that a system allowing fear-inducing acts, even with compensation, would lead to general fear. Such fear is not eliminated by compensation, and this justifies prohibiting such acts. He also considers the complexity of fair compensation and the psychological impact of potential harm, noting that fear can persist despite the assurance of compensation. The section concludes by questioning whether the fear of certain acts is an inherent human response or a product of social conditioning.

Why Not Always Prohibit?

Taking the argument in the previous section further, Nozick focuses on the issues regarding boundary-crossing acts that produce fear and retribution against these acts. He asks the following: If certain acts are prohibited even when compensated, then how far should prohibition of boundary-crossing acts be taken? Nozick references cases in which obtaining consent from a victim is either impossible or prohibitively costly, such as accidental or unintentional acts. He suggests that acts yielding significant benefits might be permissible without prior consent if the cost of negotiating consent exceeds the cost of compensation after the act. The efficiency of this policy would depend on it allowing the greatest number of net beneficial acts.

However, Nozick acknowledges the difficulty in establishing a clear principle for determining when the benefits of an act justify its unconsented execution. The considerations of fear, the fair division of exchange benefits, and transaction costs collectively define the framework for this deliberation, but they do not provide a detailed solution for every scenario.

Risk

Nozick’s discussion in this section revolves around the complexities of risky actions that might not cause harm or fear on an individual basis but could result in significant harm collectively. He explores the difficulty of assigning responsibility for fear caused by a totality of such acts, as no single action is sufficiently harmful to warrant apprehension. While it might be overly strict to ban every component act of this totality, deciding which subsets to permit presents a challenge, especially without a central decision-making body.

Nozick suggests that actions posing slight risks of harm might be permissible—provided compensation is offered—in situations where obtaining prior consent is impossible or too costly. This approach aims for efficiency but struggles with fairness and the immense transaction costs involved. He considers alternatives like risk pools but argues that they carry their own issues of minor constant unfairness and major injustices, especially in cases involving risks of death.

The Principle of Compensation

Nozick discusses the issue of allowing an act with compensation in situations such as lack of funds or insurance to pay the compensation. He argues that in a society prioritizing liberty, prohibiting risky actions due to financial coverage concerns limits individual freedom, even if no harm occurs. For example, forbidding an epileptic individual to drive may not actually reduce harm overall. Prohibiting someone from a major life activity, like driving, imposes disadvantages on that person. However, compensating everyone restricted is unmanageable.

Further on, Nozick addresses pollution, which has a significant negative effect on others. A society must decide which polluting activities to allow, weighing benefits against costs. The beneficiaries of the polluting activities (such as companies) may be required to pay those negatively impacted. However, tackling pollution often involves complex legal and administrative challenges, especially when individual pollutants have minor but collectively significant effects. Overall, Nozick notes that the principle of compensation for prohibited actions due to risk imposition needs further refinement, particularly in how it handles the classification of actions and the determination of what constitutes a significant disadvantage.

Productive Exchange

Nozick compares a productive activity—purchasing a good or service that benefits both parties—to paying a perpetrator to abstain from a harmful act, which only benefits the perpetrator. Nozick notes that unproductive exchanges only offer relief from a potential threat. The concept of compensation in such scenarios is limited, with the payer only paying for the prevention of actual disadvantages. This approach differs from standard compensation of boundary-crossing acts because it does not always restore the disadvantaged person to their original position. The principle of compensation suggests that the potential perpetrators who are prohibited from conducting risky activities should be compensated, but Nozick does not pursue further argumentation.

Part 1, Chapter 5 Summary: “The State”

Prohibiting Private Enforcement of Justice

Nozick discusses some issues with private justice enforcement, such as wrongly punishing someone or provoking fear. He notes that no individual or group has the right to decide who can enforce justice in a state of nature. Often, it is in an individual’s interest to not participate in unanimous agreements of justice enforcement if they can benefit more from bilateral agreements.

“The Principle of Fairness”

Herbert Hart’s principle of fairness suggests that those benefiting from a cooperative venture should also submit to its rules. However, this becomes problematic if the benefits do not outweigh the costs for an individual or if they prefer a different venture. Nozick notes that enforcing this principle can be unfair, as people should not be forced to submit to obligations that are sometimes not even connected to enforcement. A revised version of this principle would need to be very complex, making it impractical to enforce obligations arising from it in a state of nature. As such, it would not eliminate the need for consent in cooperative activities.

Procedural Rights

Nozick suggests that guilt should be determined by the least dangerous procedure but acknowledges the difficulty in setting a standard for the acceptable risk of punishing the innocent. He notes that the problem is heightened when different groups in the state of nature believe in the reliability of their own justice procedures, leading to potential conflicts without a clear resolution. The state, on the other hand, could be an authoritative settler of doubts about procedural reliability and fairness, though Nozick states that this role is not guaranteed to be effective. For example, the just course of action when one is wrongly convicted of a crime under a state’s jurisdiction is unclear.

How May the Dominant Agency Act?

Nozick states that a dominant protective association in a territory can forbid the use of unreliable or unfair justice procedures on its clients, punishing those who apply such procedures. For him, individuals should have the right to know if a justice procedure applied to them is reliable and fair and can resist unfair imposition. The association may judge whether procedures are reliable and fair, but individuals themselves do not have the right to mandate the approval of justice procedures. Nozick argues that a person may resist unjust procedures and that a protective agency can act on behalf of its clients against unreliable or unfair procedures, even if the client is guilty.

The De Facto Monopoly

The dominant protective agency in a territory becomes the ultimate enforcer and judge for its clients by deeming its own procedures fair and reliable. Due to its position, the dominant protective agency holds a de facto monopoly in a territory (monopoly in practice). However, it does not have a formal (or political) monopoly, as other protective agencies are allowed to compete for clients in the same territory. Nozick also notes that the unique position of the dominant protective agency does not extend to disputes among non-clients, where the agency has no right to intervene unless individual rights are threatened.

Protecting Others

In this section, Nozick discusses the relationship between the protective agency and independent protector contractors. He argues that the protective agency can prohibit independents from using enforcement methods deemed unreliable or unfair, as these impose risks on the protective agency’s clients. This prohibition disadvantages independents, making them unable to self-enforce their rights. Therefore, the agency must compensate the independents to offset the disadvantages of the prohibition. The compensation amount should be equal to the disadvantages minus the costs of the prohibited activity. For those with limited resources, the agency might have to cover the full cost of protection. This arrangement, Nozick argues, discourages people from leaving the agency to become independents seeking free services.

The State

In this section, Nozick recapitulates the arguments of Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, he argued that a dominant protective association meets a crucial state condition: the monopoly on force and universal protection. In Chapter 4, he examined the possibility of prohibiting and compensating those who wish to carry out potentially harmful actions. Thus, although it does not claim a unique right to monopoly, a dominant protective association is in a unique, state-like position due to its power and enforcement roles. Nozick sees this arrangement as a minimal state. This progression from a natural state to a minimal state is morally justified, according to Nozick.

Nozick notes that his explanation of state emergence relies on individuals’ interest in self-protection. However, his explanation covers mostly the emergence of the ultraminimal state (which is equivalent to the invisible-hand explanation of a state). To address how a minimal state emerges out of the ultraminimal state, Nozick states that the dominant protective association should have the moral motivation to compensate for the prohibition it imposes on those who could act against its clients. He discusses these moral motivations in the following chapters.

Part 1, Chapter 6 Summary: “Further Considerations of the Argument for the State”

Stopping the Process?

Previous chapters addressed the formation of a minimal state from a state of nature. Chapter 6 does not continue this overall argument but rather explores various objections and connections arising from minimal state formation. The first section of the chapter addresses the balance of power in self-defense rights, exploring how a dominant protective agency and its clients can legitimately forbid others from joining competing agencies or acquiring power to maintain security. Nozick notes that the right to self-defense may both empower individuals and create power imbalances in the state.

Preemptive Attack

In this section, Nozick discusses preemptive attacks and self-defense between nations. He argues that self-defense justifies actions against immediate, high-probability threats, but not against potential future actions based on another nation’s growing strength. This distinction hinges on the relation of harm to actions already taken, not on probability alone. Nozick advances the idea that an action or decision that is not harmful in itself but may lead to future harm cannot be prohibited on moral grounds.

Behavior in the Process

Nozick explores whether individuals, such as a group of anarchists, might collectively refuse to join protective associations, apprehensive about the minimal state’s potential to exceed minimal functions. He argues that individual interests in joining such associations for protection override collective anarchist inclinations. However, this generalization does not account for those with unique motivations and psychologies, like religious prohibitions or pacifism, who would not join protective associations.

Legitimacy

Nozick suggests that normative notions, like the right to enforce rights, are not special entitlements of the state but rights held by every individual. He argues that a protective agency’s power does not give it special immunity in violating rights, and those affected by its actions should be compensated. The legitimacy of a state does not come from an entitlement to power but from its ability to effectively enforce rights.

The Right of All to Punish

Nozick notes that in Locke’s view, anyone is entitled to carry out punishment. Locke defends this idea by emphasizing individuals’ equal rights to execute natural law. However, Nozick points out that using punishment in the state of nature raises questions, such as who has the authority to punish and how mercy is applied. In his view, the dominant protective agency has the greatest entitlement to enforce justice and punish perpetrators because most individuals support it.

Preventive Restraint

The section discusses the concept of preventive restraint in relation to compensation and protective states. Preventive restraint refers to the minimal state’s set of limitations imposed on individuals to minimize the violation of others’ rights. It includes various measures like reporting requirements, curfews, and gun control, extending to preventive detention. Nozick notes that preventive restraint should include compensation for imposed disadvantages. He then examines whether preventive restraints are permissible, suggesting that paying individuals to avoid participating in certain behaviors could be a better approach.

The section concludes by affirming the principles leading to a minimal state and preparing to argue against extending state functions in Part 2.

Part 1, Chapters 4-6 Analysis

The principal discussions in Chapters 4, 5, and 6 revolve around the ethical considerations of prohibition and compensation, the evolution and legitimacy of a dominant protective agency, and the complications of preventive restraints within a minimal state framework.

Nozick’s examination of prohibition and compensation centers on the moral issues arising from crossing an individual’s natural rights boundary. A critical aspect of his argument in Chapter 4 is the question of whether actions violating these boundaries are inherently forbidden or can be permissible with compensation. This leads to an exploration of the nature and adequacy of compensation. Nozick’s model, which suggests compensating based on the impact on a reasonably prudent person, highlights the difficulties involved in balancing individual rights and societal norms. Nozick points out that a system of full compensation would be unfair:

Full compensation keeps the victim on as high an indifference curve as he would occupy if the other person hadn’t crossed. Therefore a system that allows all boundary impingements provided that full compensation in paid is equivalent to a system requiring that all prior agreements about the right to cross a border be reached at that point on the contract curve most favorable to the buyer of the right. If you would be willing to pay as much as $n for the right to do something to me, and $m is the least I would accept (receiving less than $m places me on a lower indifference curve), then there is the possibility of our striking a mutually advantageous bargain if n≥m (63).

Nozick argues that a predetermined full compensation system benefits the buyer rather than the victim, essentially incentivizing harm. In this case, the buyer is the one who violates the victim’s rights. Nozick also argues against market compensation, noting that it would be very difficult to carry out because a market price only arises through negotiation before the victim’s rights are violated. Therefore, Nozick argues, it would be almost impossible to establish the right compensation after the fact.

Nozick’s purpose in these chapters is to explore the minimal state’s various issues and complications, not to offer a solution for all the objections he brings out. As mentioned earlier, this is part of his rhetorical strategy, inviting individual reflection and argumentation rather than establishing himself as an expert with all of the answers. Concerning compensation, as with many other notions, he does not set out to offer an elucidation. Rather, he highlights the intricacies of compensation and the initial problem: boundary crossing and the injustice done to the victim. Nozick argues against allowing someone crossing a boundary to purchase his right to do so at a price that makes it easy to continue his actions because this disenfranchises the victim.

Further on, Nozick compares two distinct models of risk compensation: One compensates only those who suffer harm, and the other compensates everyone upon whom risk is imposed. Nozick considers compensating only those who suffer harm more manageable and cost-effective. He suggests that it is a practical and straightforward method of dealing with risks and compensation, focusing resources on those directly affected. However, he counters that this system raises questions about fairness and the value of potential harm to those who were at risk but did not suffer actual harm. The second approach, which compensates all individuals exposed to risk, appears more comprehensive and equitable. However, Nozick points out the difficulty in quantifying and compensating for certain harms, particularly death. Nozick suggests the possibility of individuals selling or passing on their rights to postmortem payments, though this does not resolve the fact that death cannot actually be fully compensated for. From Nozick’s point of view, it does allow the potential victim some leeway in determining risk and compensation.

Chapters 4 and 5 consider the formation of a dominant protective agency from a state of nature. Nozick illustrates how individual actions and self-interest inadvertently lead to the creation of a de facto monopoly in the enforcement and judgment of justice. This evolution challenges the conventional notion of a state arising from a collective agreement or social compact. Instead, Nozick asserts that it emerges through an invisible hand process driven by individuals pursuing their own interests. As such, the legitimacy and monopoly of this agency do not stem from a special entitlement to power but from its effective and just enforcement of rights. Nozick’s perspective shifts the focus from the state’s power to its role in safeguarding individual rights and freedoms. Nevertheless, the monopoly exercised by the minimal state remains a point of contention for Nozick’s theory, as it encapsulates the continued tension between individual liberty and collective security.

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