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Shane BauerA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Investigative reporter Shane Bauer describes his job interview with the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), a private company that owns and manages prisons and detention facilities around the country. He is surprised that they never ask him about his work history—available with a simple Google search—of prison reporting for Mother Jones or the two years he spent in an Iranian prison. Following his phone interview, he will be required to undergo four weeks of training followed by 12-16-hour work days. Although he initially balks at the job offer, he cannot think of any other way to gain unrestricted access to the private prison system, which is not constrained by the same legal obligations as public prisons.
After his two-year incarceration in Iran, the transition from prison to freedom was difficult, and so the thought of returning to a prison environment, even as a guard, gives him pause. But the sobering numbers of America’s mass incarceration—5 percent of the world’s population but 25 percent of the world’s prisoners; there are about 80,000 prisoners in solitary confinement; the last 40 years have seen a 500 percent increase in prison incarceration—continue to pull him back to the topic. Profit and racism, he argues, have been at the root of America’s prison history, from the profit motive of slavery to a devious loophole in the Thirteenth Amendment. Bauer claims, “[T]here has never been a time in American history in which companies or governments weren’t trying to make money from other people’s captivity” (6).
Eventually, Bauer is offered a job as a corrections officer (CO) at Winn Correctional Center in Louisiana for $9 an hour. He and his editors at Mother Jones then iron out the details. These include whether he has worker’s compensation in the event of an on-the-job injury; whether his undercover presence in the prison violates any state laws; and whether he should lie about his identity—he decides not to. Bauer provides some important historical examples of investigative reporting and why it has become less prevalent. For example, there is an increased risk of litigation against reporters, and employees’ non-disclosure agreements make whistleblowers reluctant to come forward. After accepting the job, Bauer passes the background check in 24 hours.
The Winn Correctional Center is located thirteen miles outside of Winnfield, LA, a town of 4,600 and “the kind of place you’d only remember because some lonesome image stuck in your mind” (11). The prison, located in the Kisatchie National Forest, is a concrete compound situated among 600,000 acres of yellow pine. Despite the camera equipment in his front seat, Bauer passes through the security gate, parks outside the training facility, and enters the classroom. He is wary, convinced that CCA management knows his true identity. Eventually, five more cadets join him. Winn’s Human Resources director comes in and lists specific protocols—no sex with inmates, avoid the prison food—as well as benefits—three free counseling sessions a year, in the event of suicidal thoughts. They watch a series of videos, a pep-talk by CEO Damon Hininger, and a history of the company by its two founding members. Opening in 1984, CCA was originally a detention facility for undocumented immigrants. The concept of profiting from imprisonment was not new, and for founder T. Don Hutto it was “as old as the idea of forcing black men to pick cotton” (15).
Looking to the past for context, Bauer tells the story of Albert Race Sample, a young man with a diverse racial background who grew up in a brothel in Texas with his Black mother. In 1956, after a series of low-wage jobs, Sample began picking cotton. Unused to the demands of the job, he was slow, and his productivity lagged. The crew boss threatened to shoot him for his low output, but another boss said, “I don’t believe this bastard’s even worth the price of a good load of buckshot. Besides, you might splatter n***** shit all over my boots and mess up my shine” (18). As punishment, Sample was ordered back to the field with no food or water.
Sample, who had been convicted of assault and sentenced to 30 years, worked on a prison plantation, an institutionalized system of prison labor that netted the state of Texas about $1.7 million a year in 1956 dollars. Although slavery had been abolished for nearly a century, the Thirteenth Amendment states, “‘neither slavery nor involuntary servitude’ shall exist in the United States ‘except as punishment for a crime’” (19). This key loophole allowed privately-owned businesses like cotton plantations, lumber mills, and coal mines to take advantage of forced prison labor. Brutal punishments like whipping and isolating several prisoners together in tiny spaces were legal in some states until the 1960s. CCA co-founder T. Don Hutto, formerly a warden of one such plantation prison, learned the business of incarceration in this for-profit environment, cutting costs whenever possible, including by empowering other inmates to enforce discipline. By the late 1960s, Hutto developed a reputation for turning plantation prisons into profitable enterprises.
With a concealed camera and microphone, Bauer heads out for his second day of training, but his truck breaks down. He hitches a ride with a logger who tells him that Winn has a high turnover rate among COs. That day’s training is led by Tucker, the head of Winn’s tactical response team, who explains the importance of calling for backup in any prisoner confrontation. Tucker advocates a distinctly hands-off approach in the event of an inmate knife fight. When one cadet suggests simply yelling at them to stop, Tucker agrees: “Damn right. That’s it. If they don’t pay attention to you, hey, there ain’t nothing else you can do” (25). When Bauer suggests pepper spray as a solution, Tucker informs him that COs are not issued pepper spray or nightsticks, only radios.
As Tucker runs through various scenarios—hostage situations, using tear gas—it becomes apparent that the endgame is survival at all costs. If that means abandoning fellow COs to save yourself from a mob of inmates or gassing an asthmatic inmate, it’s all fine as long as “we go home at the end of the day” (26). Later, Tucker takes the cadets to an open field and tear gasses them, admonishing them to stay in formation and not run. A spokesman for CCA later tells Bauer that exposure to tear gas is not a required part of CO training.
Another instructor, Kenny, lectures the cadets about the importance of cost-effectiveness. If Winn is not profitable, CCA will shut it down. He also stresses the need to keep inmates in their place and not allow them to gain a psychological advantage. Though more subtle than Tucker, Kenny displays the same callous disregard for both inmates and staff, chuckling over an inmate’s sexual assault of a sleeping CO that he didn’t like. He issues veiled threats to the cadets about monitoring each other and reporting back to the warden. Bauer feels these remarks may be targeted at him, and, not for the first time, he fears his cover is compromised.
One morning, during a self-defense exercise, Bauer partners with Kenny in order “to confront this problem” (32). Without flinching, he stares Kenny down during the duration of the exercise until the tension between them “dissipates.” During a break, Bauer mingles with other cadets and finds a range of personality types, from introverted and compassionate to eager and sadistic. They all have one thing in common, however: They are poor, and this job is their only option.
Investigative reporter Shane Bauer digs into the dark machinery of the prison-for-profit system, and in the process he follows in the footsteps of other journalists—Nellie Bly and Barbara Ehrenreich, for example—who also immersed themselves in their subject matter to gain firsthand knowledge. Bauer’s experience as an inmate in Iran’s Evin prison gives him a unique and sympathetic perspective toward the incarcerated. The callous attitude toward the prison population he encounters from Winn’s staff, while not unusual within the industry, shocks him, although he hides it to maintain his cover. During a training session, when he suggests using pepper spray to break up a fight, the trainer nonchalantly advises the cadets to issue a verbal warning and, if unsuccessful, to let the inmates fight it out. It becomes clear very quickly that the well-being of the inmates takes a backseat to CCA’s profit margin. Furthermore, this system of prison labor for profit is nothing new, dating all the way back to the Thirteenth Amendment, which, on its surface, was supposed to symbolize freedom for millions of Black Americans but led to a different type of oppression.
While Bauer cites some well-worn statistics—America is home to 5 percent of the world’s population but 25 percent of its prisoners—he also provides some shocking context about America’s brutal history of dealing with lawbreakers. As recently as the 1960s, prisoners were forced to pick cotton for private plantations and were subject to severe physical abuse if their production was not up to par. This speaks volumes about how America views its incarcerated population: not as people to be treated with dignity while they atone for their crimes but as chattel to be leased out for the profit of others. This kind of indentured servitude, completely legal under the Thirteenth Amendment, devalues human lives—particularly Black lives—setting up a clear divide between those we consider good, law-abiding citizens and those morally corrupt “others” who deserve whatever they get. This reductive thinking disregards centuries of racist laws designed to penalize one class of Americans while keeping the other, more privileged class on the moral high ground, wagging a self-righteous finger and enjoying the benefits of an oppressive system.
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