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Chapter 16 loops back around to New France. In 1663 the French Crown took control of Canada from the fur-trading Company of New France and began to incentivize lagging immigration numbers with money. Like in the Chesapeake and the West Indies, most emigrants were poor young men who arrived as indentured servants (called engagés) to rich seigneurs. But the Crown failed to offer sufficient incentives for permanent residence and, in 1673 when subsidies slowed, so did emigration (365-66).
The French poor had good reason to immigrate (unlike the Dutch, with their high standard of living in the Netherlands), but cultural values kept them on their family farms. Many others were conscripted into Louis XIV’s army. Those who did immigrate preferred the warmer West Indies—Canada was seen as cold, dangerous, and demanding. Farming was difficult, and export to France was costly and time-consuming.
Throughout its existence, the French Canadian economy depended on the Crown for money (370). But most immigrants to Canada, called habitants, flourished, with better food, home ownership, no direct taxes, and lower tithes (370-71). A lack of surplus led to rough equality (371). While women in New France were still subordinate to men, they enjoyed more legal and economic equality than their English counterparts (372).
But France’s “governing ethos was paternalistic and monarchical rather than commercial and libertarian” (373). Louis XIV appointed three officials to govern New France—one military, one civil, and one religious—who acted as counter-balances to each other at the expense of efficiency. Catholicism was the only religion allowed. Local autonomy was limited; there were no elective assemblies, no schools, and no local governments. Vulnerability to the English necessitated military garrisons, with military leadership and the seigneurs kept separate to diffuse power. But the seigneurial class effectively imported the Old World nobility; social rank was essentially immutable (375).
While most habitants of the 18th century settled in the St. Lawrence Valley, there was opportunity for the minority who settled in the “upper country” across the Great Lakes. There, Indian refugees fleeing the Iroquois were forced into common social groups, requiring a third party to intermediate by providing access to trade goods (377-78). While some French traders, couriers de bois, married native women and integrated into native kin networks, in the 1680s many French met the Indians in the “middle ground” as gift-givers and resolvers of disputes (378-79). Armed with French firearms, the upper-country Indians forced peace with the Iroquois in 1701. But the defeat of their common enemy intensified infighting among the Indians and incentivized the French to cut costs by withholding the gifts, weakening their standing and leading to conflict (379-81).
In French territory to the south, the economy of Louisiana’s interior plantation zone was unprofitable due to agricultural challenges, disease, and issues with shipping. Habitants continued to rely on Crown subsidies and deerskin trade with the Indians. Officials of Louisiana’s arbitrary government were also notoriously corrupt (384-86). The elite distrusted Indians, enslaved Africans, and lower-class whites alike, as the latter were largely felons and vagrants, contrasting with “the British colonial tendency toward a greater, formal equality and liberty for all white men” (388).
Louisiana’s fortified interior could afford to treat Indians poorly, but in the frontier, the French had to compete with the English Carolinians for native allies. The upper-country model inspired them to act as a stabilizing force in the south as “an alternative to the Spanish mission system and the Carolina slave trade” (383). Indians generally preferred the French as allies; the inferiority and higher price of their goods was offset by the Carolinians’ poor treatment of Indians. But French and Indian interaction was not uniformly peaceful. Native confederations of misplaced tribes emerged “in response to the more violent world wrought by the European invasion” (391). A 1729 surprise attack by the Natchez, which unified African slaves with Indian rebels, terrified the French colonists (389-90). Eventually, a colony that had prized the idea of being mediator in an unstable region reverted to the usual brutal European colonial tactics (393-94).
Finally, the Company of the Indies surrendered Louisiana to the Crown in 1731, who kept it, despite being a money sink, for its strategic value in keeping the British contained to the east (386). New France was never profitable to Paris and was maintained at great cost to contain the English to the Atlantic seaboard.
In the last quarter of the 18th century, Hispanic New Mexico was in a difficult position. The Crown kept it alive as a buffer between Spain’s most valuable New World holding, Mexico, and its imperial rivals, but support and goods arrived slowly from the single Mexican post, Veracruz. To make matters worse, the French had the edge on trade with the Indians. Combining French guns and Spanish horses, the peoples of the Great Plains adapted to become deadly opponents of the New Mexicans (397-98).
Hunter-gatherers until about 800 AD, many plains peoples settled in horticultural settlements when climactic change made farming viable in the river valleys (400). Villagers combined biannual buffalo hunts with farming, diversifying their diet. They were ruled by chiefs who doubled as priests, the guardians of the medicine bundles, which were resorted to for all major decisions. Chiefs were paid tribute, which they redistributed through gift-giving. As dualists, the plains peoples emphasized spiritual balance. While there was great ethnic and linguistic diversity among them, those sharing a common language intermarried and cooperated with each other in war (402).
There were also nomadic plains hunters who relied entirely on the buffalo for their livelihood (e.g., the Apache). Their groups were mutable, formed on extended family. When buffalo couldn’t be found, the nomads occasionally grew small crops or raided the neighboring horticultural peoples of the Pueblo and Wichita—and Spanish settlers (404).
In the late 17th century, the plains Indians obtained domesticated horses from the New Mexicans. Horses became immediately vital to buffalo-hunting tribes, allowing them to travel faster and hunt more efficiently, and even providing food in a pinch (405-6). The 18th century saw an influx of new peoples now associated with the plains, including the Lakota, Blackfoot, and Cheyenne, who were drawn by the opportunities of mounted life. While horticultural groups initially prevailed, a combination of disease and nomad specialization in horses and guns saw their numbers dwindle (406-7).
The introduction of horses transformed the culture of the Great Plains. As powerful warriors obtained more horses and wives, and therefore higher stature, egalitarianism fell to the wayside. Women, alleviated of carrying loads now borne on horseback, also saw their status diminished as warrior culture reigned supreme. Improved hunting techniques also meant buffalo became increasingly scarce, leading to conflict (408-9).
Plains peoples traded captives with the Hispanics in New Mexico, with the Hispanics rationalizing the slavery as a rescue from paganism. The captives, called genizaros, were the lowest on the New Mexico social ladder. But in Texas, armed with French guns, the Wichita and Pawnee began capturing the Hispanic allies, the Pueblos, to sell as captives to the French. The Spanish erroneously prioritized their usual mission and military strategy and were rebuffed in battle and conversion (410-11). Meanwhile, dominant newcomers like the Comanche clashed with the Apache, pushing the latter into closer, deadly contact with the Hispanic missions and their Pueblo allies (411-13).
As Spain’s holdings in New Mexico and Texas grew weaker, new tactics were required. The Bourbon reformers, inspired by the Enlightenment’s secularizing impulse, encouraged a shift from the failed mission strategy to one employed by the French: cultivating powerful tribes as allies through gift-giving. In the 1770s and 80s they allied with the Comanche and Navajo to subdue the Apache, whom they resettled on reservations called establecimientos de paz. Gradually, New Mexico recovered.
Meanwhile in the north, Indians “maneuvered between the clashing interests of British and French traders,” who alternated control of the Saint Lawrence River in the 17th century (415). The French, believing the Pacific coast was near and fearing that the British might find a route to China, stubbornly spent resources and alienated the Lakota peoples in attempting to outmaneuver them, to deadly effect (418).
In Chapters 15 and 16 Taylor turns his focus to England’s enemies: New France, New Spain, and to some extent the Plains Indians. While the English solidified power in the Americas in the mid-to-late 18th century, their imperial rivals began to wane. The Dutch had already been ejected from the middle colonies in the late 17th century, and New Netherland was absorbed into the English territories. The French lacked the ease of farming and colonial numbers boasted by the English, as well as the English empire’s expansive trade network. Concentrated in the far north (Canada and Acadia) and south (Louisiana), they were thinly spread and without a reliable means of self-sufficiency from Crown subsidies. While Mexico remained an incredibly lucrative settlement for the Spanish, their northern territories of New Mexico and Texas were isolated and vulnerable to attack.
In sum, in the late 18th century Spain and France shifted from playing offense to defense in the New World. Where they had previously sought to establish permanent, moneymaking settlements in the Americas, by the late 1700s they were more interested in preventing in the English from gaining any more territory, even as that task became increasingly difficult.
While English ascendancy impacted the Plains Indians less immediately than the Indians to the east, it was still worrisome. English colonists were unreliable trading partners at best, treacherous at worst. Their high numbers and now largely established settlements meant they were not as reliant on the Indians as trading partners. The French and Spanish were preferable, especially when the Spanish occasionally abandoned their forceful missionary style to adopt a gift-giving model similar to the French.
Reacting to colonial incursion, the Indians adapted as best they could. Amid rampant disease and conflict, some even saw improvements to their way of life, a phenomenon Taylor calls “the paradoxical impact of colonialism” (398). The Plains Indians specialized in a powerful combination of French guns and Spanish horses. But this technology came with its own costs to the native lifestyle. The life expectancy of Great Plains warriors decreased due to the expectations of warrior culture, and the status of women somewhat decreased as the remaining men took more wives. The accumulation of horses and wives as status markers replaced the egalitarian lifestyle, moving the natives closer to a capitalistic society.