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Paul E. JohnsonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In this chapter, Johnson traces how the growth of Rochester’s industries fundamentally altered Rochester’s social order over the course of the 1820s. Though Rochester was presided over by a group of wealthy men with deep ties to the surrounding country, the vast majority of Rochester’s population was workers who lived as “young, unattached drifters” (37). As Rochester’s economy developed, the working class lived increasingly separate lives from Rochester’s wealthy elite, leading to a sense of a “loss of social control” amidst upper-class Rochesterians (38).
As Rochester’s industry grew, workers manufacturing goods became increasingly separated from the merchants whom they worked for. Johnson traces this development amidst the industries of shoemaking, coopering, and construction. Before Rochester’s growth in the 1820s, all of these industries were centered around small shops, with the owners conducting business directly next to the workers producing the goods. However, as businesses grew in the 1820s, most adopted a factory system centered around teams of workers who were separated from the shop owners. Workers became accustomed to never interacting with the “merchant capitalists” who paid their wages and began to experience “harsher, more impersonal, and more transparent forms of exploitation than had men in the same trades a few years earlier” (41-42). Such a separation between workers and owners led to workers developing antagonistic feelings toward their bosses.
The growth of industrialization also altered Rochester’s domestic life. Traditionally, merchants had provided their workers with accommodation in their own homes as part of their wages, and they often viewed these boarders as members of the family. These merchants understood themselves as personally responsible for their workers, ensuring that the workers behaved appropriately and did not “cause trouble” (44). However, as merchants began to employ larger numbers of workers, they became unable to continue the custom of offering lodging. As a result, many workers instead lived on their own in boardinghouses, with their social life completely separated from those of their bosses. This division became reflected in Rochester’s urban geography, with Rochester’s wealthy and working classes living in their own distinct neighborhoods.
The growing divisions and tensions between Rochester’s social classes became encapsulated in differing attitudes over alcohol and drinking. During the “household economy,” when workers and merchants lived closely together, drinking was seen by both groups as an acceptable and common leisure activity (57). However, as workingmen developed “an autonomous social life” that featured “heavy drinking,” Rochester’s middle-class residents became increasingly scandalized by alcohol, convinced that it led to criminality and promiscuity (58). Likewise, merchants also began to dissuade their workers from drinking, believing that partaking in alcohol dampened their productivity. Differing attitudes over alcohol quickly became symbolic of the growing antagonistic sentiments that existed between Rochester’s working and upper classes.
Though Rochester’s social elite looked down upon the hordes of drinking and gambling workingmen in the city, Johnson notes that the city’s government failed to use its “power to stop them” (62). In “Politics,” Johnson explores why Rochester’s government failed to act. Johnson argues that its passivity stemmed from a controversy over Rochester’s Masons and the extension of voting rights to Rochester’s working population.
From its inception, Rochester’s political organization was largely divided into two competing camps. One of these camps centered around Nathaniel Rochester, whose faction held close ties to the Bucktail Republicans in New York’s state government, led by Martin Van Buren. The Brown family and their associates stood in opposition to Rochester and were known as Clintonians (supporters of the state governor, DeWitt Clinton). These two groups often feuded with each other over political questions, such as who should have control over the city’s bank. These political divisions stemmed less from ideological differences than from family rivalries, and Rochester’s politics “center[ed] on jealousy and competition for honor between a few wealthy gentlemen and their families and friends” (66).
In the 1820s, Rochester’s factional politics became embroiled in a larger conspiracy concerning the Masons, a secretive society that counted Nathaniel Rochester and his associates as members. In 1826, William Morgan published a controversial exposé about Rochester’s Masons. Morgan disappeared shortly after, with many believing that the Masons had murdered him. In response, a group of Clintonians formed the Antimasonic Party. One of the party’s leaders, Thurlow Weed, published the Anti-Masonic Enquirer, a newspaper that frequently sought to link the Masons with Rochester and his Bucktail Republican faction. Johnson argues that the prior divisions between Bucktails and Clintonians developed into an “uglier fight between Democrats and Antimasons,” characterized by the spreading of rumors and personal attacks on members of Rochester’s elite (70).
At the same time that Rochester’s political elite fractured over the Mason controversy, the structure of Rochester’s government was fundamentally altered. A new town charter in 1826 restructured Rochester’s government. In this new charter, the city was divided into five wards, each of which elected a single trustee to the government. Voting laws also changed so that more “propertyless voters” were eligible to vote, and voting would take place in the form of private “general elections” (73). Both of these measures removed much of the power from Rochester’s former political elite and placed it within the hands of workingmen. As a result, political candidates now had to appeal to workingmen in order to secure enough votes to be elected. Though both the Antimasonic and Democratic parties looked down-upon drinking, their candidates refused to embrace legal measures to abolish drinking, believing that doing so would lead to the loss of elections. As a result, Rochester’s workingmen were able to continue drinking and gambling with little direct intervention from the government.
In his chapters “Society” and “Politics,” Johnson describes how Rochester succumbed to class, political, and ideological tensions during the 1820s. These deepening rifts between Rochester’s working class and upper class, as well as between Rochester’s opposing political factions, led to a sense of social disorder by the end of the decade. Many of Rochester’s political elite viewed alcohol as the cause of this social crisis and believed Rochester’s workingmen to be unruly and in need of control.
Rochester’s social crisis stemmed from a growing stratification between the working and middle classes during the 1820s. However, the blame for such stratification largely fell upon Rochester’s businessmen and merchants, “who had dissolved the social relationships through which they had controlled others” (61). At the start of the decade, workingmen and the middle class lived in close proximity to each other, with many employees residing with their bosses. However, Rochester’s merchant class had pushed workingmen out of their homes and into separate neighborhoods in the name of increased privacy. Such a transformed urban geography meant that Rochester’s working and middle classes occupied entirely separate social spheres. Each class developed a sense of themselves as a cohesive unit and looked antagonistically upon the other. While alcohol had once been “an ancient bond between classes,” middle-class Rochesterians now viewed workingmen’s drinking as a sign of sin and impropriety (60).
Though Rochester’s middle class viewed drinking as a social evil, Rochester’s town government failed to enforce laws either restricting or outright prohibiting alcohol. In Chapter 3, Johnson analyzes why Rochester’s government was so powerless to respond to the growing crisis over alcohol. Johnson provides an in-depth account of Rochester’s rivaling political factions, arguing that Rochester’s political life was less about ideology than about petty rivalries between “a few wealthy gentlemen and their families and friends” who sought to control the town (66). Over the course of the 1820s, these rivalries erupted into an outright feud, with the Antimasonic party seeking to tarnish Nathaniel Rochester’s reputation by connecting him to the Mason society.
Following the controversy, Rochester was split between the Democratic and Antimasonic parties, with each seeking to win over working-class voters. However, such divisions were largely superficial, and “economic and religious differences between the two parties were minimal” (76). As each party became increasingly desperate to win elections, their political candidates were reluctant to address the drinking crisis, (correctly) believing that working-class voters would be reticent to vote for increased social control. Many of Rochester’s social elite began to feel powerless to control Rochester’s working class, as they realized that “the ‘sober and moral’ part of the community no longer determined what happened in Rochester” (77).
By Paul E. Johnson