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68 pages 2 hours read

Barack Obama

A Promised Land

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 2020

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Part 6, Chapters 22-24Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 6: “In the Barrel”

Chapter 22 Summary

Chapter 22 addresses Obama’s changing fortunes. Fallout over the ACA and criticism from the Tea Party sent his approval ratings plummeting. The press became more critical, as did Republicans, who accused him of being soft on terrorism. Obama’s biggest problem, however, was the economy. Despite massive bailouts, millions of Americans were still at risk of losing their homes and unemployment remained high. Seeing an opportunity, Republicans spread misinformation about the bailout, characterized the stimulus package as out-of-control liberal spending, railed about the deficit, and argued in favor of slashing the federal budget.

Job reports from March 2010 showed an improving US economy. However, Europe remained mired in recession, creating a drag on global recovery. Obama pushed the EU to adopt stimulus policies, but they favored austerity measures. The Greek debt crisis set off another round of financial panic. Obama and Geithner lobbied the European Central Bank and the IMF to produce a rescue package for the Greeks to stabilize the global economy. France and Germany continued to promote austerity, despite their role in creating the crisis. They eventually agreed to a joint EU-IMF loan, but only after the financial markets reached new lows.

To regain political momentum, Obama accelerated his plan to draft a Wall Street reform bill to make future financial crises less likely. After months of debates, a draft of the bill went to Congress. The proposal had five key parts. First, increasing the percentage of capital all financial institutions held to make them more liquid in troubled times. Second, developing a structured bankruptcy procedure for federally insured banks. Third, streamlining federal agencies to respond more quickly to market disruptions. Fourth, tightening rules governing specialized markets, notably, the buying and selling of derivatives. Fifth, offering greater protection for consumers in a wide range of industries, including mortgages. House Financial Services Committee chairman Barney Frank worked with Chris Dodd (D-Conn) to usher the bill through Congress, with three Senate Republicans voting in favor of the legislation. In mid-July 2010, Obama signed into law the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. The final bill differed from the original, but nevertheless introduced important reforms. Most of the improvements, however, were invisible to the public. Thus, the bill failed to give Obama the political momentum he was seeking.

Chapter 23 Summary

Chapter 23 focuses on the Deepwater Horizon environmental disaster, the largest marine oil spill in history. Two explosions on the BP-operated rig resulted in the death of 11 platform workers, a fire that burned for 36 hours, and the spilling of at least 4 million barrels of oil into the Gulf of Mexico. The leaks in the well were located beneath the ocean floor, complicating efforts to seal it. Obama sent Energy Secretary and Nobel Prize-winning physicist Steven Chu to Houston to coordinate the clean-up effort. As weeks passed, the public began shifting the blame away from BP onto Obama. The press ran stories about Obama’s endorsement of exploratory drilling and lax safety guidelines. Public attitudes soured further when, in the interest of transparency, Obama supported the release of real-time videos of the leaks from BP’s underwater cameras. Powerless to stop the leaks, Obama focused on preventing future spills. To this end, he announced the formation of a commission to establish safety guidelines. He also saw to it that BP followed through on its promise to compensate those harmed by the spill. Chu assembled a team of geophysicists and hydrologists to plug the leak. It took several months to seal the well permanently. Clean-up efforts continued until the end of the summer.

Despite resolving the BP spill, Democrats went into the midterm elections at a distinct disadvantage. The economy was far from stable and 180,000 troops remained overseas. A Rolling Stone article filled with derisive quotes by Stanley McChrystal, the general leading the war effort in Afghanistan, further harmed the party. Obama’s proposal to repatriate some Guantánamo detainees to their home countries and to house others in federal prisons was unpopular with the public. Republicans warned voters that Democrats planned to move terrorists into their neighborhoods. The idea that Obama was soft on terrorism gained steam. A family vacation to Martha’s Vineyard proved to be the calm before the storm. Despite everything Obama’s administration accomplished—saving the economy and the US auto industry, curtailing Wall Street, improving the country’s infrastructure, and protecting the environment—Democrats lost 63 House seats in the midterm elections, thereby losing control of Congress. 

Chapter 24 Summary

Chapter 24 focuses on Obama’s accomplishments between the November midterms and the holidays. The disappointment of losing Congress did not deter Obama from pushing his agenda, nor did it make him question his policy decisions. He vowed to find ways to reconnect with Americans, not only to strengthen his ability to negotiate with Republicans, but also to get reelected. In the midst of replacing White House staff leaving for personal and professional reasons, Obama set about planning for the future. After a nine-day trip to Asia, he began pushing four ambitious initiatives through Congress. First among these was the ratification of New START, a nuclear nonproliferation agreement he negotiated with Russia. The second was repealing Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, a law barring LGBTQ persons from openly serving in the military. The third was an immigration reform bill called the DREAM Act, which established a path to citizenship for children of undocumented immigrants. The fourth was a child nutrition bill spearheaded by Michelle. After negotiations and compromises, all of Obama’s initiatives passed Congress, except for the DREAM Act. Obama and his team were disappointed, but they took heart in pulling off the most significant lame-duck session in modern history.

Cutting taxes for the middle class and raising them for the rich were among Obama’s top priorities. However, he decided that any tax increase while the economy was still fragile posed risks. Thus, he sent Biden to negotiate with McConnell, who was keen to pass a law extending Bush-era tax cuts. Biden offered to extend the cuts for two years, but only if Republicans agreed to extend emergency unemployment benefits and the Recovery Act’s lower- to middle-class tax credit (Making Work Pay) for an equivalent period. Biden also asked for another package of refundable tax credits to benefit the working poor. McConnell agreed after much back-and-forth. Obama recruited President Clinton for an impromptu press briefing after left-leaning commentators accused him of caving to Republicans and bankers. Clinton explained the tax deal to the press, which resulted in positive media coverage. 

Part 6, Chapters 22-24 Analysis

Part 6, “In the Barrel,” focuses on Obama’s second year as POTUS, a period marked by some successes and many setbacks and crises. The chapters draw attention to the reality of working in the White House. The work was not only taxing, but also came at great personal cost: “Everybody was sleep-deprived, perpetually. Rarely did senior staffers put in less than a twelve-hour day, and almost all of them came in for at least part of each weekend” (532). Although the greatest burdens lay on Obama, White House staff enjoyed none of the benefits of being president: “They didn’t have a one-minute commute like I did or a bevy of chefs, valets, butlers, and assistants to shop, cook, pick up dry cleaning, or take the kids to school” (532). The work impacted the personal lives of the staff, regardless of whether they were single or partnered: “Single staffers stayed single longer than they might have liked. Those staffers lucky enough to have partners often relied on an overburdened and lonely spouse, creating the kinds of chronic domestic tensions that Michelle and I were more than familiar with” (532).

As the first Black president, Obama felt strongly about creating a respectful, inclusive work environment. Valerie Jarret, senior advisor to the president, approached Obama about deepening dissatisfaction among high-ranking women in his administration concerning their treatment by male colleagues: “At least one woman had been driven to tears after being upbraided in a meeting. Tired of having their views repeatedly dismissed, several other senior women had effectively stopped talking in meetings altogether” (536). Troubled by Jarret’s comments, Obama invited a dozen female staffers to dinner to discuss the matter. The conversation revealed troubling behaviors, including men shouting and cursing during policy debates, dominating conversations by cutting off others (especially women), and restating points female staffers had already made and claiming them as their own. In other words, many women in the White House felt diminished and ignored. As a consequence, they became reluctant to voice their opinions. Obama’s response to the situation was twofold: First, he advised the women to be more assertive: “If somebody tries to talk over you, tell them you’re not finished!” (537). Second, he spoke to male members of his staff, who expressed surprise and resolved to be better colleagues moving forward.

Obama’s swift response to Jarret’s complaint is of a piece with the high ethical standards he set for himself and his staff. In contrast to other presidents, such as Clinton and Trump, whose presidencies were marked by sex scandals, the Obama administration was untouched by salaciousness: “Without exception, we avoided scandal. I’d made clear at the start of my administration that I’d have zero tolerance for ethical lapses, and people who had a problem with that didn’t join us in the first place” (534). To ensure there were no ethical lapses, Obama appointed Norm Eisen as Special Counsel to the President for Ethics and Government Reform. White House staffers nicknamed Eisen ‘Dr. No’. When they asked for his opinion about attending events, Eisen almost always responded, “If it sounds fun, you can’t go” (534).

Obama faced serious challenges in the wake of the midterms. Democrats lost control of Congress, the US was embroiled in two costly wars, and the economy was far from stable. The BP oil spill further pressured his administration. Obama could not stop the leaking drill site because the federal government did not possess better technology than BP. He sent his energy secretary to Houston to coordinate cleanup efforts, ensured that BP compensated those who were harmed by the spill, and announced the formation of a commission to improve safety guidelines. Despite his efforts, however, the press and the public continued to blame him for the leak. A scathing Good Morning America appearance by James Carville elicited a testy response from Obama: “What does he think I’m supposed to do? […] Put on my fucking Aquaman gear and swim down there myself with a wrench?” (570).

Obama’s blunt response to Carville’s comments serve to lighten an otherwise serious chapter. Similar moments of levity appear in Chapter 24, notably, when Obama and Emanuel commiserate after losing control of Congress. The two vow to take easier jobs in the future: “‘After we’re finished, we should try something simpler,’ I said to him one day. ‘We could move our families to Hawaii and open a smoothie stand on the beach’” (596). Emanuel’s reply is equally playful: “‘Smoothies are too complicated […] We’ll sell T-shirts. But just white T-shirts. In medium. That’s it—no other colors or patterns or sizes. We don’t want to have to make any decisions. If customers want something different, they can go someplace else” (596).

Obama provides readers with a multifaceted perspective of the presidency. His administration’s successes and failures receive equally thorough treatment. Similarly, he describes the range of feelings the job elicits, including joy, pride, hope, frustration, anxiety, and sadness. Multitasking led to constant shifts in emotions. As Obama notes, “a president has no choice but to continually multitask. (‘You’re like the guy in the circus,’ Michelle told me once, ‘just spinning plates at the end of a stick’)” (565). Obama’s family and friends kept him grounded through the ups and downs of his presidency. Reading to Sasha and tucking Malia in at night was a cherished ritual. After hours museum visits, movies in the White House theater, and small dinner parties at the residence provided much needed respite from the pressures of running the country. Particularly restorative were the family trips to Hawaii: “With each day of extra sleep, laughter, and uninterrupted time with those I loved, I could feel my energy returning, my confidence restored” (589). Michelle had her own pressures and worries, but she rarely shared these with Obama: “She knew the load I was carrying and saw no point in adding to it” (544). Still, Obama was acutely aware of the strain the presidency placed on his marriage: “There were nights when, lying next to Michelle in the dark, I’d think about those days when everything between us felt lighter, when her smile was more constant and our love less encumbered, and my heart would suddenly tighten at the thought that those days might not return” (545).

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